DAVID PIERSON, 王月眉, DANIEL MURPHY2025年6月3日 China’s mass detention and surveillance of ethnic Uyghurs turned its far western region of Xinjiang into a global symbol of forced labor and human rights abuses, prompting Congress to ban imports from the area in 2021.中国对维吾尔族人的大规模拘禁和监视使该国最西部的新疆地区成为全球强迫劳动和侵犯人权的代名词，促使美国国会于2021年通过法律，禁止从该地区进口商品。But the Chinese government has found a way around the ban — by moving more Uyghurs to jobs in factories outside Xinjiang.但中国政府已经找到了绕过这项禁令的办法——将更多的维吾尔族人安置到新疆以外的工厂工作。A joint investigation by The New York Times, the Bureau of Investigative Journalism and Der Spiegel found that state-led programs to ship Uyghur workers out of Xinjiang are much more extensive than previously known.《纽约时报》、“新闻调查局”和《明镜》周刊进行的一项联合调查发现，由国家主导的将维吾尔族劳动力外输项目比之前所知的更为广泛。当一位维吾尔族女性离开新疆的家，踏上数千公里的旅程前往中国中部工作时，眼前所见的是这片荒凉的土地。 她和同行的其他人抵达了武汉，在那里他们将为中国家电品牌美的生产冰箱。 他们头戴统一的帽子，上面印有一家国营人力资源公司的名称和标志。这是一个暗示，说明这并不是一次普通的求职之旅。 China has placed Uyghurs in factories across the country that make a wide range of goods used in brand-name products around the world, the investigation found. And it has done so with little to no visibility for supply-chain auditors or border and customs officials charged with spotting labor abuses and blocking the import of tainted goods.调查发现，中国在全国各地的工厂里安置维吾尔人，这些工厂生产的各种商品用于世界各地的名牌产品。而且，这几乎完全脱离了供应链审计方和边境海关部门的监管视野——而这些机构本应负责识别强迫劳动问题并拦截问题商品入境。Both the United States and the European Union have adopted laws aimed at preventing consumers and businesses from funding the persecution of Uyghurs in China. These state-run labor transfer programs pose a significant challenge. It may be possible to target imports from Xinjiang, but tracking the relocation and treatment of workers from Xinjiang to factories across China is a much more difficult endeavor.美国和欧盟都通过了旨在防止消费者和企业资助中国对维吾尔人迫害行为的法律。这些政府主导的劳动力转移计划带来了重大挑战。虽然可以对来自新疆的进口产品进行打击，但追踪维吾尔族劳动力转移到中国各地的工厂以及待遇情况要困难得多。By the best available estimates, tens of thousands of Uyghurs now toil in these programs. The workers are paid, but the conditions they face are unclear. And U.N. labor experts, scholars and activists say the programs fit well-documented patterns of forced labor.据目前最为可靠的估计，现有数以万计的维吾尔人在这些项目中辛苦劳作。工人们虽然获得酬劳，但具体工作条件尚不清楚。联合国劳工专家、学者和活动人士表示，这些项目符合有据可查的强迫劳动模式。中国社交媒体上的视频显示，工人们被安置在一些为全球最大汽车品牌供应零部件的企业中。这些企业是特斯拉、梅赛德斯-奔驰、宝马、麦当劳、肯德基、三星、LG和卡骆驰等品牌的供应商。 China makes no secret of these labor transfer programs. It says that participation is voluntary and argues that moving Uyghurs into jobs across the country gives them economic opportunities and helps address chronic poverty in Xinjiang.中国对这些劳动力转移项目毫不讳言。官方表示参与是自愿的，并认为让维吾尔人在全国各地就业给了他们经济机会，并有助于解决新疆的长期贫困问题。But experts and activists say Uyghurs usually have no choice but to accept the job assignments, and that the programs are part of Beijing’s efforts to exert control over a minority population that has historically resisted Chinese rule. As many as 12 million Uyghurs, a Central Asian, Muslim people, reside in Xinjiang, located on the border with Kazakhstan.但专家和活动人士认为，维吾尔人通常别无选择，只能接受工作分配，而这些项目是中国政府对历史上抗拒中国统治的少数民族实施控制的一部分。多达1200万维吾尔人居住在与哈萨克斯坦接壤的新疆。维吾尔人是中亚的穆斯林民族。In the United States, the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act bars imports from Xinjiang, unless the importer can prove that they were not made with forced labor. Forced labor has been reported in different forms in Xinjiang, in prisons, mass internment camps and large-scale relocation programs within the region, and, the U.S. government says, in the production of cotton, textiles, critical minerals and solar panels.在美国，《维吾尔族强迫劳动预防法》禁止从新疆进口商品，除非进口商能证明这些产品未涉及强迫劳动。据报道，新疆存在不同形式的强迫劳动，包括监狱、大规模拘禁营和该地区的大规模搬迁项目。美国政府指出，在棉花、纺织品、关键矿产和太阳能电池板的生产中也存在强迫劳动。The U.S. law also bars imports from companies outside Xinjiang that work with the government to receive workers from Xinjiang who are Uyghur or members of other persecuted groups.美国法律还禁止从新疆以外与政府合作接收维吾尔工人或其他受迫害群体成员的公司进口产品。But that provision is difficult to enforce, leaving a blind spot for those trying to root out forced labor from supply chains.但这一规定很难执行，也就为清除供应链中的强迫劳动留下了死角。The transfer of Uyghur workers from Xinjiang is a potential flashpoint in the trade war between China and the Trump administration, which has accused Beijing of “ripping off” the United States and producing goods at artificially low costs, including through exploitative labor conditions. Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, was one of the 2021 law’s lead authors when he was a Florida senator.从新疆转移维吾尔工人是中国与特朗普政府之间贸易战的一个潜在爆发点，特朗普政府指责北京从美国“占便宜”，称其通过压低成本生产商品，包括利用剥削性的劳动条件。2021年该法案的主要起草者是时任佛罗里达州参议员的现任国务卿鲁比奥。Our findings are based on an examination of publicly available government and corporate announcements, state media reports, social media posts and research papers. Among them are local government notices describing the number of Uyghurs transferred to factory sites, and state media reports on meetings in which officials discuss how to manage Uyghur workers. Some show photos of workers in neat rows at train stations before departing Xinjiang.我们的发现基于对公开的政府和企业公告、官方媒体报道、社交媒体帖子和研究论文的系统梳理。其中包括一些地方政府的通知，描述了被转移到工厂的维吾尔人数，以及一些官方媒体的报道，内容涉及官员讨论如何管理维吾尔工人的会议情况。有些材料还展示了维吾尔工人在离开新疆前在火车站整齐列队的照片。The scale of the labor transfers is evident on Chinese social media, where Uyghurs have posted videos of themselves leaving home, working on factory lines and posing outside dormitories. We determined where the videos were shot by comparing the features of buildings and streets with satellite imagery, street-view maps and publicly available photographs of factories.从中国的社交媒体上也可以看出劳动力转移的规模，一些维吾尔族人在网上发布了自己离家、在工厂流水线上工作以及在宿舍外合影的视频。我们通过将建筑物和街道的特征与卫星图像、街景地图以及公开的工厂照片进行比对，确定了这些视频的拍摄地点。Some videos show other Central Asian minorities from Xinjiang, including Kazakhs and Kyrgyz people, who also face persecution and are covered by the U.S. law.一些视频还显示了来自新疆的其他中亚少数民族，包括哈萨克族和柯尔克孜族人，他们同样面临迫害，并同样受到《维吾尔族强迫劳动预防法》的保护。Reporters from The Times and Der Spiegel visited the areas around two dozen factories linked to Uyghur labor in eight cities in the central province of Hubei and the eastern province of Jiangsu, and spoke to more than three dozen workers as well as the owners of restaurants and other businesses frequented by them.《纽约时报》和《明镜》周刊的记者走访了与维吾尔劳工有关的约二十家工厂周边区域，这些工厂分布在中部湖北省和东部江苏省的八个城市。记者采访了30多名工人，以及这些工人经常光顾的餐馆和商铺的经营者。We did not ask interviewees for their names to minimize the risk of retaliation by the authorities, who consider the treatment of Uyghurs to be a national security issue. (We are also not disclosing the names of the people whose social media videos we found and we have blurred their faces to avoid exposing them.)为了尽量减少受访者遭到当局报复的风险，我们没有询问他们的姓名。中国当局将对维吾尔人的处理视为国家安全问题。（我们同样也不会公布在社交媒体上发现的视频中相关人员的姓名，并已对他们的面部进行了模糊处理，以免暴露身份。）Several workers suggested, with some hesitation, that they labored under close supervision. They said their jobs had been arranged for them and that they sometimes needed permission to leave factory grounds, usually upon arrival. Security guards at some factories also confirmed they had been sent Uyghur workers by government agencies.有几名工人含蓄地表示，他们在严密监督下工作。他们说工作是被安排好的，刚到工厂时，若要离开厂区，有时还需要获得许可。一些工厂的保安也证实，这些维吾尔工人是由政府机构送来的。Other workers said that they had taken the jobs willingly and were staying in them on their own accord.还有一些工人表示，他们是自愿接受这些工作的，并且是出于个人意愿留下来的。One worker in Hubei Province told The Times that he and about 300 other Uyghurs lived in a dormitory separated from staff identified as from the majority Han Chinese population. He said they were assigned minders from their home counties in Xinjiang, were allowed to leave the factory premises and could return to Xinjiang if they gave a month’s notice.一名在湖北工作的工人告诉《纽约时报》，他和大约300名维吾尔族工人住在一栋宿舍楼里，与汉族员工分开住。他说，他们配有来自新疆原籍的管理员，可以离开厂区，提前一个月报备也可以返疆。He said he worked up to 14 hours a day, and earned a monthly salary of up to 6,000 yuan, or $827, about the national average for a factory worker in China. The interview ended abruptly when several men surrounded the worker and demanded to know who he was and why he was not at work.他说自己每天工作最长可达14个小时，月薪最高可达6000元人民币，这大致相当于中国工厂工人的全国平均水平。采访在几名男子包围这位工人并质问他是谁、为什么没去上班后突然中断。Human rights advocates argue that Uyghurs have little choice but to accept such job assignments outside Xinjiang. If they refuse, they risk being labeled a “troublemaker,” a serious charge in a region where people have been subjected to lengthy detentions for even the faintest signs of dissent or religious expression, like owning a Quran. At the same time, the jobs offer the promise of a higher wage, in contrast to the limited opportunities and tight surveillance that Uyghurs face in Xinjiang.人权倡导者认为，维吾尔人几乎没有选择的余地，只能接受这种到新疆以外的地方工作。如果他们拒绝，就有可能被贴上“麻烦制造者”的标签——在新疆这样的地方，这是一项严重的指控，人们甚至因为微弱的异议迹象或宗教表达（如拥有一本古兰经）就可能遭到长期拘禁。与此同时，这些工作也带来了更高工资的希望，相较于维吾尔人在新疆面临的就业机会有限和严密监控的处境，这些岗位显得更具吸引力。The vast majority of Xinjiang’s labor transfers take place inside the region. The government said there were 3.2 million transfers in 2023, a figure that includes workers being transferred more than once, and the tens of thousands sent to other provinces.新疆的大多数劳动力转移发生在本地区内。政府表示，2023年共有320万次劳动力转移，这一数字包括被多次转移的工人，以及被送往其他省份的数万人。The International Labor Organization, a U.N. agency, said in a February report that the labor transfer programs appeared to use measures “severely restricting the free choice of employment.”联合国机构国际劳工组织在今年2月的一份报告中表示，这些劳动力转移项目似乎采用了“严重限制自由择业”的措施。The reach of these programs, and China’s dominant role in the global economy, mean a wide range of multinational companies rely on suppliers that have received Uyghur workers.由于这些项目的广泛覆盖以及中国在全球经济中的主导地位，许多跨国企业都依赖于那些接收了维吾尔族工人的供应商。Some of these suppliers produce goods for the Chinese market, including those we found processing chicken for McDonald’s and KFC restaurants in China. Others make products for export, such as washing machines for LG Electronics and footwear for Crocs.这些供应商中有一些为中国市场生产商品，包括我们发现为中国的麦当劳和肯德基餐厅加工鸡肉的供应商。还有一些生产出口产品，比如为LG电子制造洗衣机，为卡骆驰(Crocs)生产鞋类产品。The risk of Chinese suppliers using Uyghur workers is sensitive for German automakers, including Volkswagen, Mercedes-Benz and BMW, which have tried to address their history of using forced labor in the Nazi era by apologizing and compensating victims.中国供应商使用维吾尔族工人的风险对德国汽车制造商来说非常敏感，包括大众汽车、梅赛德斯-奔驰和宝马在内的公司，它们都曾试图通过道歉和赔偿纳粹时期强迫劳动的受害者来应对历史问题。Our investigation identified more than 100 companies that appeared to receive Uyghur workers or parts or goods produced by them. Most did not respond to multiple requests for comment, including LG, Tesla, Midea and KFC. Others such as McDonald’s declined to comment, or provided statements that only emphasized corporate policies prohibiting forced labor in their supply chains.我们的调查确认了100多家似乎接收了维吾尔工人或使用他们生产的零部件或商品的公司。大多数公司未回应多次置评请求，包括LG、特斯拉、美的和肯德基。其他公司如麦当劳则拒绝置评，或者仅提供声明，强调禁止供应链中强迫劳动的企业政策。A handful of companies, including Crocs, denied their suppliers used forced labor, but did not address the question of whether their suppliers had hired ethnic minority workers who had been transferred by the government from Xinjiang.卡骆驰等少数几家公司否认其供应商使用强迫劳动，但未回应其供应商是否雇用了由政府从新疆转移过来的少数民族工人的问题。“Based on recent audits, we do not have reason to believe that any of our suppliers are in violation of our policies,” the Broomfield, Colo.-based footwear company said.这家总部位于科罗拉多州布鲁姆菲尔德的鞋业公司表示：“根据最近的审计，我们没有理由相信任何供应商违反了我们的政策。”Companies risk having their imported goods seized by customs officials in the United States if their suppliers are found to have been using forced labor. The European Union enacted legislation similar to the American law last year, but will not begin enforcing it until 2027 to give member nations time to prepare.如果供应商被发现使用强迫劳动，公司进口的商品可能会被美国海关官员扣押。欧盟去年通过了与美国法律类似的法规，但为了给成员国留出准备时间，要到2027年才开始实施。China detained more than 1 million Uyghurs in internment camps from 2017 to 2019 in the name of fighting extremism. After the camps closed, an estimated half a million Uyghurs were sentenced to prison rights groups say.以打击极端主义为名，中国于2017年至2019年间在再教育营拘禁了超过100万维吾尔人。人权组织称，营地关闭后，估计有50万维吾尔人被判刑入狱。State-directed labor transfer programs have been part of Beijing’s efforts to assimilate Uyghurs since the early 2000s, with China’s Communist Party promoting the notion that labor is honorable.自2000年代初以来，国家主导的劳动力转移项目一直是北京同化维吾尔人的努力之一，中国共产党一直宣传劳动光荣的观念。 来源：新疆机场集团、中国政府网、《中国日报》、《扬子晚报》But the programs grew significantly around the time internment camps were introduced in 2017, said Adrian Zenz, an anthropologist and a leading expert on Uyghur forced labor. Since the U.S. ban on imports from Xinjiang came into force in 2022, the number of Uyghurs transferred out of the region has grown.但人类学家、维吾尔强迫劳动领域的权威专家郑国恩(Adrian Zenz)表示，这些项目在2017年再教育营引入前后显著增长。自2022年美国对新疆进口禁令生效以来，被转移出该地区的维吾尔族人数进一步增加。Speaking at a press briefing in 2022, Chen Lei, an inspector from Xinjiang’s Rural Revitalization Bureau, indicated that the authorities aimed to increase the number of workers moved to other parts of China by a third in 2023 to more than 38,000, according to a government report posted online.根据一份在线发布的政府报告，新疆农村振兴局的巡视员陈雷在2022年的一次新闻发布会上表示，当局计划在2023年将转移到外省就业的工人数量增加三分之一，增至超过3.8万人。Labor transfer “is the only measure I see that has become more intense,” said Mr. Zenz, the director of China Studies for the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation in Washington. “And the reason for that is that this is a long term mechanism of social control and indoctrination.”“劳动力转移是我所见过唯一变得更加密集的措施，”担任华盛顿共产党受害者纪念基金会中国研究主管的郑国恩表示，“原因在于，这是一个社会控制和洗脑的长期机制。”In 2023, Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, told officials during a visit to Xinjiang that they should be vigilant against threats to stability and “encourage and guide Xinjiang people to go to the Chinese interior to find employment.”2023年，中国最高领导人习近平在视察新疆时告诉官员们，要警惕威胁稳定的因素，“鼓励和引导新疆群众到内地就业”。Uyghur activists accuse Beijing of relocating Uyghurs in an attempt to change the demographic composition of Xinjiang and erase expressions of Uyghur and Muslim identity.维吾尔族维权人士指责北京当局通过重新安置维吾尔人试图改变新疆的人口构成，抹去维吾尔族和穆斯林身份的表达。“This is not about poverty alleviation. This is about dispersing Uyghurs as a group and breaking their roots,” Rayhan Asat, a human rights lawyer at the Atlantic Council whose brother has been imprisoned in Xinjiang since 2016.“这不是扶贫问题，而是将维吾尔族作为一个群体分散开来，切断他们的根，”大西洋理事会的人权律师莱汉·阿萨特说。她的兄弟自2016年以来一直被关押在新疆。If multinational brands cannot guarantee that their suppliers are free of forced labor, then they should find other suppliers that they can guarantee are, or pull out of China altogether, Ms. Asat said.阿萨特表示，如果跨国品牌无法保证其供应商不使用强迫劳动，那么它们应该寻找可以做出保证的供应商，或者彻底退出中国市场。In a written response, the Chinese Embassy in Washington denied that forced labor is used in Xinjiang, saying that such allegations were “nothing but vicious lies concocted by anti-China forces.” It said that China rejected the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, calling it an interference in China’s internal affairs.中国驻华盛顿大使馆在书面回应中否认新疆存在强迫劳动，称此类指控“不过是反华势力炮制的恶毒谎言”。声明表示，中国反对《维吾尔强迫劳动预防法案》，称其是对中国内政的干涉。The statement also asserted that all residents in Xinjiang “enjoy happy and fulfilling lives” and that the government’s policies are focused on making the region safer. “Xinjiang-related issues are not human rights issues at all, but in essence about countering violent terrorism and separatism,” it said.声明还称，新疆所有居民“享有幸福充实的生活”，政府的政策致力于提升该地区的安全。“新疆相关问题根本不是人权问题，本质上是打击暴力恐怖主义和分裂主义的问题，”声明称。Jobs as Social Control将工作作为社会控制的手段Little is known about the lives of the Uyghurs sent to work in factories across China.外界对于被送往中国各地工厂工作的维吾尔人的生活状况所知甚少。Censors frequently scrub the internet of anything deemed critical or unflattering of the government. Still, social media provides a window.审查机构经常清除互联网上被认为对其不利或者批评性的内容，但社交媒体仍然提供了一扇观察的窗口。Some videos show workers raising their right fists and pledging allegiance before a Chinese flag, evidence of the ideological training that experts say is often mandatory for Uyghur workers on such job programs.一些视频显示工人们举起右拳，在中国国旗前宣誓效忠，这被专家视为维吾尔工人在此类工作项目中常常必须接受思想培训的证据。辽宁大连的一座家禽加工厂。湖北随州的一座家禽加工厂。The activity is about “showing loyalty to the Communist Party,” said Yalkun Uluyol, the China researcher at Human Rights Watch.这项活动是为了“表达对共产党的忠诚”，人权观察的中国研究员亚力坤・乌鲁尧勒说道。Some videos posted by workers hint at feelings of homesickness, at times using Uyghur poetry.一些工人发布的视频中流露出思乡之情，有时还借用维吾尔族诗歌来表达。Thwarting a Law Aimed at Protecting Uyghurs绕过旨在保护维吾尔人的法律From outside, the sprawling white and blue factory complex in the central Chinese city of Jingmen looks like a giant sheet cake.从外面看，位于中国中部的荆门市那片庞大的白蓝色工厂群就像一块巨大的长方形蛋糕。Behind its walls, workers make automotive and aerospace equipment, specializing in lightweight aluminum chassis parts and brake systems.在工厂围墙内，工人们生产汽车和航空航天设备，专门制造轻质铝制底盘零件和制动系统。The Hubei Hangte Equipment Manufacturing Company’s website displays the logos of customers such as Volkswagen, Mercedes-Benz, General Motors, Ford, Chrysler, Mazda and Hyundai. But it says nothing about the pipeline of Uyghur workers from Xinjiang that the company relies on.湖北航特装备制造公司的网站上展示了大众汽车、奔驰、通用汽车、福特、克莱斯勒、马自达和现代汽车等客户的标志，却没有提及该公司依赖来自新疆的维吾尔族劳动力。News releases posted elsewhere say government officials visited the factory to check on workers sent from Xinjiang as recently as April last year.其他地方发布的新闻稿称，政府官员最近一次前往该工厂是在去年4月，检查从新疆派遣来的工人情况。And a video posted by a state-owned human resources company that helps facilitate labor transfers, Xinjiang Zhengcheng Minli Modern Enterprise Services, indicates that the firm recruited workers for the factory in August 2023.一家协助劳动力转移的国有人力资源公司——新疆正诚民利现代企业服务发布的一段视频显示，该公司于2023年8月为该工厂招募了工人。The previous year, Hubei Hangte hosted a meeting with Communist Party officials and educators from Xinjiang and described measures it had taken to better manage workers from the region. That included ensuring that their activities were “controllable” and that they refrained from “laxity,” “drinking” and, curiously, “swimming in groups.”之前一年，湖北航特举行了一次与来自新疆的党政干部和教育工作者的会议，介绍了该公司为更好管理来自该地区的工人所采取的措施。其中包括确保工人的活动“可控”，并要求他们避免“懈怠”、“饮酒”，以及有些奇怪的“集体游泳”。“We will strive to make Hangte a model unit for employment of Xinjiang people in Jingmen City,” Chen Yun, the company’s deputy general manager, said in a statement posted online at the time.公司副总经理陈云当时在网上发布的一份声明中表示：“我们将努力使航特成为荆门市新疆人员就业的示范单位。”Xinjiang Zhengcheng Minli Modern Enterprise Services and Hubei Hangte did not respond to requests for comment.新疆正诚民利和湖北航特未回应置评请求。BMW acknowledged that Hubei Hangte may provide parts to one of its direct suppliers. It said it has asked that supplier to investigate. Volkswagen, Mercedes-Benz and Chrysler’s parent company, Stellantis, also said they had opened investigations.宝马承认湖北航特可能为其一家直接供应商提供零部件，并表示已要求该供应商展开调查。大众汽车、奔驰以及克莱斯勒的母公司斯泰兰蒂斯也表示已启动调查。Mazda said it had no “direct” relationship with Hubei Hangte, and General Motors, Ford and Hyundai said they prohibited forced labor in their supply chains but declined to answer questions about Hubei Hangte.马自达表示与湖北航特没有“直接”关系，通用汽车、福特和现代汽车则表示其供应链禁止强迫劳动，但未就湖北航特相关问题作出回应。It is not uncommon for global brands to have several layers of suppliers, explaining why companies may not have a direct relationship with a factory.全球品牌拥有多层供应商的情况很常见，这也解释了为什么一些公司可能与工厂没有直接的关系。Shipment records provided by a trade data firm show that, since May 2021, Hubei Hangtei’s parts have been shipped to India, Indonesia, Mexico, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Canada, as well as the United States, where shipments would be subject to the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act.一家贸易数据公司提供的运输记录显示，自2021年5月以来，湖北航特的零部件已运往印度、印度尼西亚、墨西哥、匈牙利、捷克、加拿大以及美国，而运往美国的货物将受到《维吾尔强迫劳动预防法案》的约束。One U.S. customer of the Chinese company is a subsidiary of the German auto parts manufacturer Mahle Industrial Thermal Systems, which said in a statement that it prohibits the use of forced labor by its suppliers. Mahle did not answer questions about Hubei Hangte.这家中国公司的一个美国客户是德国汽车零部件制造商马勒工业热系统的子公司，该公司在一份声明中表示禁止其供应商使用强迫劳动。马勒未就湖北航特相关问题作出回应。Another transaction that may violate the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act occurred last July, when a Chinese manufacturer of computer equipment known as Transimage sent at least two shipments to a San Diego address for Samsung America Electronics, according to trade data.根据贸易数据显示，去年7月，一家名为江苏传艺科技的中国电脑设备制造商向三星美国电子在圣地亚哥的地址至少发送了两批货物，这一交易可能违反了《维吾尔强迫劳动预防法案》。Transimage, also known as Jiangsu Chuanyi Technology Company Ltd., received help recruiting workers from a labor dispatch center in Akqi County in Xinjiang in 2023, according to a post on a local government social media account. Social media posts by workers show employees at the factory who appear to be Kyrgyz wearing teal jackets embroidered with the company’s name.传艺科技未回应置评请求。三星在一份声明中表示，未发现江苏传艺科技存在强迫劳动的证据，并表示其“禁止供应商使用任何形式的强迫劳动”。Transimage did not respond to requests for comment. Samsung said in a statement that it found no evidence of forced labor at Jiangsu Chuanyi Technology, adding that it “prohibits its suppliers from using all forms of forced labor.”*本文得到了普利策中心的支持。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。