CHOE SANG-HUN2026年10月15日On Aug. 15, 1974, the South Korean leader Park Chung-hee was delivering an address at Seoul’s National Theater when an assassin charged down an aisle, brandishing a .38-caliber Smith & Wesson.1974年8月15日，韩国领导人朴正熙正在首尔的国立剧场发表演讲时，一名刺客沿着过道冲上前去，手里挥舞着一把点38口径的史密斯威森手枪。Shots cracked. Mr. Park ducked behind a bulletproof podium as bodyguards and citizens subdued the gunman. But the first lady, Yook Young-soo, whose gentle public persona had contrasted with her husband’s iron-fisted rule, was hit in the head. After Mr. Park’s dying wife was rushed away, he resumed his speech commemorating the end of Japanese rule to a crowd erupting in cheers.枪声响起。朴正熙躲到防弹讲台后面，保镖和现场民众合力制服了枪手。但第一夫人陆英修头部中弹。与丈夫的铁腕统治形成鲜明对比的是，她在公众面前一直以温柔亲切的形象示人。生命垂危的陆英修被紧急送医后，朴正熙继续发表纪念日本殖民统治结束的演讲，现场人群爆发出欢呼声。The killing has remained a disputed episode, spawning conspiracy theories that the dictator may have secretly orchestrated the attack and the gunman had not acted alone, in echoes of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.这起刺杀事件至今仍充满争议，并催生出种种阴谋论，包括这位独裁者可能秘密策划了袭击，以及枪手并非单独行动，这不禁让人联想到肯尼迪总统遇刺事件。Now, a movie has reignited those controversies by placing the killing squarely within cross hairs of this nation’s fierce contemporary culture war. “The Assassin(s)” has exposed the competing interpretations of a turbulent modern history marked by colonial rule, military dictatorship and a bloody struggle for democracy.如今，一部电影重新点燃了这些争议，把这起刺杀案直接置于韩国激烈的当代文化战争的风口浪尖。《暗杀者（们）》暴露出韩国社会对其动荡的现代史的不同解读，这段历史包含殖民统治、军事独裁，以及争取民主的血腥斗争。电影《暗杀者（们）》中的一个场景。这部影片再次引发了争议，让人联想到肯尼迪总统遇刺事件。Mr. Park, a schoolteacher-turned-general, seized power in a 1961 military coup and ruled until his spy chief gunned him down in 1979. Almost a half-century after his death, he remains a disputed figure in South Korea. Conservatives revere him as the architect of the country’s transformation from postwar poverty into an industrial powerhouse. Progressives emphasize his darker legacy: the kidnapping, torture and execution of dissidents; his rewriting of the constitution to make himself president for life; and his ruthless censorship.朴正熙原本是一名教师，后来成为将军，1961年通过军事政变夺取政权，一直统治韩国，直到1979年被自己的情报首脑枪杀。近半个世纪过去，他在韩国仍然是一个充满争议的人物。保守派尊崇他，认为他是推动韩国从战后贫困走向工业强国的设计师。进步派则强调他留下的黑暗遗产：绑架、酷刑折磨和处决异见人士；修改宪法，让自己成为终身总统；以及残酷的新闻审查。Mixing real events with cinematic fiction, “The Assassin(s)” follows a journalist and a police officer struggling to uncover the truth behind the 1974 shooting. They navigate a perilous era where, as the journalist notes, “seeing what you can and writing what you should” carries immense danger. Standing in their way is the feared K.C.I.A., the Korean Central Intelligence Agency. Mirroring real history, the film depicts an agency that dictates headlines, sends thugs armed with two-by-fours into newsrooms and brutally crushes anyone, from defiant reporters to honest cops, who dares to intervene.《暗杀者（们）》把真实事件与电影虚构结合起来，讲述一名记者和一名警察努力查明1974年枪击案真相的故事。他们身处一个危机四伏的时代，正如片中那名记者所说，在那个年代，“看到自己能看到的，写下自己应该写的”，都要冒着巨大的风险。挡在他们面前的是令人闻风丧胆的韩国中央情报部。影片按照真实历史描绘了这个机构如何操纵新闻标题，派遣手持方木棍棒的打手闯进报社，并残酷镇压任何胆敢干预的人，无论是敢于反抗的记者，还是正直的警察。Released on Sept. 23, the movie has topped the box office and sold three million tickets as of Sunday.这部电影于9月23日上映后登上票房榜首，截至周日，已售出300万张电影票。The film’s creators have denied any political motive, but conservative opposition lawmakers have accused them of distorting history to portray Mr. Park as a coldblooded dictator who orchestrated his wife’s murder for political gain. The backlash has included boycott campaigns against brands endorsed by the cast, including Burger King.影片主创否认有任何政治动机，但保守派在野党议员指责他们歪曲历史，将朴正熙描绘成一个为了政治利益而策划谋杀妻子的冷血独裁者。反弹还包括抵制剧组演员代言的品牌，其中包括汉堡王。Right-wing activists picketed the home of lead actor Yoo Hae-jin, demanding a halt to “left-wing propaganda.” Fearing for their safety, the cast withdrew from this month’s prestigious Busan International Film Festival in Korea, and Mr. Yoo received police protection.右翼活动人士在主演柳海真的住所外举行抗议，要求停止“左翼宣传”。出于安全考虑，演员们退出了本月在韩国举行的釜山国际电影节，柳海真还获得了警方保护。电影主演柳海真今年9月出席加拿大多伦多国际电影节。他已成为反对《暗杀者（们）》一片的抗议者针对的目标。 Carlos Osorio/ReutersProgressives, who include members of the governing party, have defended the film, condemning the conservative backlash as censorship. They have organized group screenings and traded insults with protesters outside theaters. The Directors Guild of Korea has warned of a threat to the creative freedom driving South Korean cinema’s global success.包括执政党成员在内的进步派人士为影片辩护，谴责保守派的反弹属于审查。他们组织集体观影，并与在影院外抗议的人互相谩骂。韩国导演协会警告说，这威胁到了推动韩国电影在全球取得成功的创作自由。“Because it depicts such a momentous episode in our history,” said moviegoer Lee Min-ho, “I wondered which parts were factual, which were dramatized and why so many questions remain unanswered after all these years.”观众李敏镐（音）说：“因为这部电影描绘了我们历史上如此重大的事件，我很想知道哪些部分是真实的，哪些经过了艺术加工，以及为什么这么多年过去，还有那么多疑问没有答案。”A Japan Connection与日本的关联A government investigation after the attack concluded that the assassin, a Japan-born Korean named Mun Se-gwang, had acted on behalf of a pro-North Korean residents’ association in Japan. It said that one of his bullets struck Mr. Park’s podium while another fatally wounded Ms. Yook.暗杀事件发生后，政府的调查认定：刺客是在日本出生的韩国人文世光，他是受日本一个亲朝侨民团体指使。调查称，他的一颗子弹击中了朴正熙的讲台，另一颗击中了陆英修，带来致命伤。The assassination attempt came as Mr. Park was under mounting pressure from both anti-government protests against martial law and diplomatic tensions with Japan, which was angered after the K.C.I.A. abducted opposition leader Kim Dae-jung from a Tokyo hotel.这起暗杀未遂事件发生时，朴正熙正面临越来越大的压力。一方面，反对戒严令的反政府抗议活动不断高涨；另一方面，韩国与日本的外交关系也日趋紧张。此前，韩国中央情报部在东京一家酒店绑架了反对派领袖金大中，激怒了日本。Ms. Yook’s death stirred public sympathy for Mr. Park, allowing him to link the attack, however tenuously, to Japan.陆英修之死激起了公众对朴正熙的同情，也让他得以将这起袭击与日本联系起来，尽管这种关联十分牵强。1974年11月13日，文世光出庭受审。他因枪击导致陆英修死亡被判处死刑。 Kim Chon Kil/Associated PressMourners wailed as they watched her chrysanthemum-covered hearse move through central Seoul. Men severed their fingers to write anti-Japanese slogans in blood. Crowds stormed the Japanese Embassy, tearing down its flag and setting a car ablaze. Mr. Mun was hanged on Dec. 20, 1974, three days after being convicted of “murder with intent to commit insurrection” and six days shy of his 23rd birthday.哀悼者在覆盖着菊花的灵车缓缓穿过首尔市中心时痛哭失声。有人砍断手指，用血写下反日标语。人群冲击日本大使馆，扯下使馆旗帜，并点燃了一辆汽车。文世光于1974年12月20日被处以绞刑，此前三天他被判“意图叛乱的谋杀罪”，再过六天，就是他23岁生日。Yet questions persisted, fueled by the case’s extraordinary circumstances.然而，这起案件的种种不同寻常之处使疑问始终挥之不去。Mr. Mun told investigators that he had stolen the pistol from a Japanese police station. He obtained a South Korean visa using a fake Japanese passport, smuggled the weapon through the airports of both countries inside a radio set and entered a presidential event without the required government-issued identification tag.文世光对调查人员说，那把手枪是他从日本一个派出所偷来的。他用伪造的日本护照取得了韩国签证，把枪藏在一台收音机里，蒙混过了两国的机场，并在没有政府签发的必要身份识别证件的情况下进入总统出席的活动现场。Missing Bullets?消失的子弹？Investigators said seven shots were heard that day, but not all have been fully accounted for. Officials said Mr. Mun fired four rounds and that a presidential bodyguard also shot, killing a high school student in the audience. At trial, Mr. Mun denied firing at Ms. Yook. The bullet that killed her has never been made public, and no ballistic test of it is known to exist. Under Mr. Park’s grip on the flow of information, the official account stood despite those gaps.调查人员称，当天现场共响起七声枪响，但并没有找到所有子弹的去向。官员称，文世光开了四枪，一名总统保镖也开了枪，打死了观众席上的一名高中生。审判期间，文世光否认自己向陆英修开枪。导致她死亡的子弹从未对外公布，也没有已知的弹道检测记录。在朴正熙严密控制信息传播的情况下，尽管存在这些疑点，官方说法依然被奉为定论。In 1989, a retired police forensics officer, Lee Geun-woo, testified that Mr. Park’s presidential security service had removed bullets from the scene before his team reached the theater. He doubted that any of Mr. Mun’s rounds had killed Ms. Yook.1989年，退休的警方鉴证人员李根宇（音）作证称，在他的团队抵达剧场之前，朴正熙的总统警卫机构已经从现场取走了子弹。他怀疑陆英修并非死于文世光射出的子弹。Hur Jin-ho, the movie’s director, said that television programs in the early 2000s, which explored unanswered questions about the shooting, led him to believe there may have been more than one assassin. “That’s why I put the ‘s’ in parentheses in the film’s title,” he said.影片导演许秦豪表示，2000年代初的一些电视节目探讨了这起枪击案尚未解开的疑团，让他开始相信，刺客可能不止一人。“所以我在电影英文片名中把表示复数的字母‘s’放进了括号里，”他说。导演许秦豪今年9月在多伦多。他表示，自己受到有关这起枪击事件的电视节目的启发。 Carlos Osorio/ReutersHis film does not identify Ms. Yook’s killer, but through its characters it challenges the official narrative: Did Mr. Mun have an accomplice? Was a second gunman targeting Ms. Yook while Mr. Mun served as a pawn? Could Mr. Park have been involved in a plot that led to her death?影片没有指出究竟是谁杀害了陆英修，但通过片中人物对官方说法提出了质疑：文世光是否有同伙？他是否只是一枚棋子，另有一名枪手以陆英修为目标？朴正熙是否可能参与了一场最终导致妻子丧命的阴谋？The controversy surrounding the film reflects a broader political struggle over how South Koreans remembered their history.围绕这部电影的争议折射出韩国社会在如何看待和解读本国历史的问题上更广泛的政治角力。Left-leaning governments have passed laws criminalizing “false” narratives about two events of particular significance to progressives: the 1980 military massacre of pro-democracy demonstrators in the city of Gwangju and the suffering of Korean “comfort women,” who were forced into sexual slavery by Japan’s military during World War II.左倾政府曾通过法律，将散布有关两起历史事件的“虚假”说法定为犯罪（这两起事件对进步派而言具有特殊意义）。一是1980年军方在光州屠杀支持民主的示威者，二是“二战”期间被日本军队强迫充当性奴隶的韩国“慰安妇”所遭受的苦难。In recent years, some on the political right have portrayed the comfort women as prostitutes and the Gwangju uprising as a “riot” instigated by North Korea. The right-wing attacks on “The Assassin(s)” are part of a broader backlash against what conservatives see as progressive attempts to dictate how history is told.近年来，部分右翼人士将慰安妇描述为妓女，并把光州起义称为朝鲜煽动的“暴乱”。右翼对《暗杀者（们）》的攻击是保守派更广泛反弹的一部分。他们认为，进步派正试图控制历史的叙述方式。“It is a horrific hypocrisy to sanctify and protect, through the threat of imprisonment, only the history they have chosen,” said Na Kyung-won, a conservative lawmaker.“只保护并神圣化他们选定的历史，还用监禁相威胁，这是极其可怕的虚伪行径，”保守派议员罗景垣说。1977年，朴槿惠（左）在首尔与父亲、实行铁腕统治的总统朴正熙交谈。她后来当选韩国总统，但因卷入丑闻遭到弹劾。 ReutersPark Geun-hye, Mr. Park’s daughter who was elected president decades later and impeached over a corruption scandal, has remained silent on the film. Through an aide, however, she released a handwritten letter from her late father.朴正熙的女儿朴槿惠几十年后当选总统，后来因腐败丑闻遭到弹劾。她一直没有就这部电影公开表态。不过，她通过一名助手公布了已故父亲的一封亲笔信。“Your mother took the fatal bullet meant for me,” Mr. Park wrote. “I often wonder how much better it would have been had I been the one hit while your mother survived.”朴正熙在信中写道：“你母亲替我挡下了那颗致命的子弹。我常常想，如果中弹的是我，而你母亲活了下来，该有多好。”Choe Sang-Hun是时报驻首尔首席记者，报道韩国和朝鲜新闻。翻译：杜然点击查看本文英文版。