DAVID E. SANGER2026年7月9日周三，特朗普总统在土耳其安卡拉举行的北约峰会上宣布，与伊朗的停火协议在达成不到一个月后即告“终结”。 Doug Mills/The New York TimesJust two weeks ago, opening the Great American State Fair, President Trump triumphantly declared: “For the first time in 3,000 years, we are going to have peace in the Middle East.”就在两周前，特朗普总统在“伟大的美国州博览会”开幕式上得意洋洋地宣称：“三千年来头一遭，我们将迎来中东和平。”It was typical bravado for Mr. Trump. But the “peace” he was celebrating — the cease-fire with Iran that on Wednesday he declared “over” after less than a month — was already beginning to unravel. The result was perhaps predictable for a 14-paragraph memorandum of understanding that skirted major issues and was hastily assembled so Mr. Trump could declare he had reached a deal, any deal.这不过是特朗普惯常的逞强之言。但他当时所庆祝的“和平”早已出现瓦解迹象。这份与伊朗达成的停火协议维持不到一个月，周三，特朗普宣布协议“终结”。对于一份只有14段内容、刻意回避重大争议问题、为了让特朗普能够邀功（只要是份协议就行）而仓促拼凑出来的谅解备忘录而言，这样的结果或许并不令人意外。Now Mr. Trump appears to be confronting the consequences of his haste, and of his assumption, born of his time in the real estate business, that his adversary would prize economic benefits over the revolutionary ideology that has driven its politics since the 1979 Iranian revolution. That has left him facing a range of unpalatable options amid seemingly intractable sticking points over the fate of Iran’s nuclear program — to say nothing of its missile program, its support for terrorist groups and its repression of its own people.如今，特朗普似乎正在面对自己仓促行事的后果，也不得不面对另一个错误判断——认为对手会把经济利益置于意识形态之上——所造成的结果。这种判断源于他从事房地产生意时形成的思维方式，然而，自1979年伊朗革命以来，革命意识形态一直主导着伊朗的政治。这使他在围绕伊朗核计划命运这一看似无解的僵局面前，只能在一系列棘手的选项之间左右为难——更遑论其导弹计划、对恐怖主义团体的支持，以及对本国人民的镇压等问题了。At the NATO summit in Ankara, Turkey, on Wednesday after the two sides had exchanged strikes, he threatened major new combat operations. Those included seizing a key Iranian oil processing island and attacking the country’s infrastructure and desalination plants, which experts have said could constitute a war crime. (Mr. Trump did say he was most hesitant to hit the desalination facilities.)周三，在土耳其安卡拉举行的北约峰会上，就在双方互相发动袭击之后，特朗普威胁要发动大规模新军事行动，包括夺取伊朗一座关键的石油加工岛，以及打击该国基础设施和海水淡化设施——专家指出，后者可能构成战争罪。（特朗普确实表示，他对打击海水淡化设施最为犹豫。）But Mr. Trump has made such threats without following through before, and he added on Wednesday that he did not anticipate a return to full-scale war. Such a move has little domestic support, and some of Mr. Trump’s Republican allies fear the economic and political consequences less than four months before the midterm elections. No one is more aware of that calendar, or Mr. Trump’s hesitation to repeat the experience of the spring, than the Iranian leadership.但特朗普曾多次发出此类威胁，却并未付诸行动，他周三也补充说，预计不会重返全面战争。此类举动在国内几乎得不到支持，而且他的部分共和党盟友担心，距离中期选举不到四个月之际，这样做将带来经济和政治层面的严重后果。而伊朗领导层比谁都清楚这个时间节点的重要性，以及特朗普对重蹈春季覆辙的犹豫。The president could instead reimpose the American blockade of Iranian ports, an attempt to cut off the country’s economic lifeline. But that would require a continued, intense American presence in the region, and while Mr. Trump contended in April that it would lead to Iranian economic collapse, his earlier imposition of it did not.总统也可以选择重新对伊朗港口实施美国封锁，试图切断伊朗经济赖以生存的命脉。但这意味着美国必须继续在该地区维持高强度军事存在。而且，尽管特朗普今年4月曾声称此举将导致伊朗经济崩溃，但他此前的封锁行动并未取得这样的效果。Or he could elect to live in a world of neither war nor peace, an era of episodic skirmishes in the Persian Gulf, punctuated by periodic negotiations, with traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, a key oil-shipping route, greatly reduced from the 130 or so ships that passed through each day before the war. The energy markets would most likely adjust; to some degree they already have.他也可以选择一个不战不和的局面——波斯湾零星冲突不断，间歇穿插着周期性谈判，而作为全球重要石油运输通道的霍尔木兹海峡，每天通行船只的数量将远低于战前约130艘的水平。能源市场或许终将适应这一局面；某种程度上，它们已经开始适应了。But for a president who promised a quick, cost-free confrontation with an old adversary — “four to six weeks” was the White House prediction in the opening weeks — an ongoing conflict would amount to near-total failure on the mission he initially set out upon. And the price would be staggering: The Pentagon has already asked Congress for about $70 billion to cover the early operations around Iran, and the cost rises every week.然而，对于一位曾承诺将以“快速、低成本”的方式解决这个长期对手的总统来说——白宫在战争初期曾预测，“四到六周”便可结束行动——如果冲突持续下去，那几乎意味着他最初设定的目标彻底失败。而代价将极其惊人：美国国防部已经要求国会拨款约700亿美元，用于支付围绕伊朗展开的初期军事行动费用，而且这一成本每周都在持续攀升。今年早些时候，霍尔木兹海峡上的船只。伊朗持续将这条关键石油运输航道的通行权作为施压筹码。“The problem is that all the options — endure, escalate or agree — are unattractive in different ways,” Richard Fontaine, the chief executive of the Center for a New American Security and a former aide to Senator John McCain, said on Wednesday. “The likeliest outcome is a continuing series of low-level, tit-for-tat attacks, followed by frantic diplomacy by mediators, the emergence of a new and fragile cease-fire, and then probably another round of strikes.“问题在于，所有选项——忍耐、升级或妥协——各有各的不可接受之处，”新美国安全中心首席执行官、约翰·麦凯恩参议员的前助手理查德·方丹周三说。“最可能出现的结果是：新一轮低强度的相互打击持续发生，随后是调停方展开紧张的外交斡旋，促成一项新的、脆弱的停火协议，之后很可能又是新一轮军事打击。”Mr. Fontaine added: “It will be a long oscillation between cold war and low-level hot war.”方丹补充说：“这将是一场在冷战与低强度热战之间长期摇摆的过程。”Many of the problems Mr. Trump is facing today were exacerbated by the cease-fire deal itself. It left unresolved, for a later negotiation that Mr. Trump now says he has little interest in pursuing, the fate of Iran’s stockpile of near-bomb-grade nuclear fuel, the most prominent among the administration’s shifting reasons for attacking Iran on Feb. 28.特朗普今天面临的诸多问题在很大程度上是被那份停火协议本身所激化的。协议把伊朗接近武器级浓缩铀库存的最终处置问题留待未来谈判解决，而特朗普现在表示，他已经几乎没有兴趣继续推进这些谈判。事实上，这些接近武器级的核燃料库存正是特朗普政府在2月28日攻击伊朗时不断变换的各种理由中最重要的一项。The agreement appeared to hand Iran at least some control over passage through the Strait of Hormuz, the superweapon that Tehran, and specifically the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, has skillfully manipulated to drive up oil prices, and now has used to justify attacks on tankers and cargo ships not hewing to its new rules.该协议似乎将霍尔木兹海峡的通行控制权至少部分移交给了伊朗——而这正是德黑兰，尤其是伊斯兰革命卫队所掌握的超级筹码，他们已娴熟地运用这张牌推高油价，如今又以此为由，攻击不遵守其新规的油轮和货船。“What we’re seeing now is Iran, and more specifically the I.R.G.C., trying to exert control over the strait and declaring that this control is their sovereign right,” said Kevin Donegan, a retired Navy vice admiral who served as a Navy commander in the Middle East. “That’s the main card they have to play, and as a result we can expect they will continue to try to disrupt any ship traffic that uses routes different from the ones they have published.”“我们现在看到的是伊朗，更具体地说是革命卫队，试图对海峡实施管控，并宣称这种管控是其主权权利，”曾担任美国海军中东司令的退役海军中将凯文·多尼根说。“这是他们手中的王牌，因此我们可以预料，他们会继续试图扰乱任何不按他们公布的路线航行的船只。”The deal was silent on Iran’s missile arsenal, the key issue for Israel. And it depended on a cease-fire in Lebanon, though the parties to that conflict, Israel and Hezbollah, were not signatories of the agreement. And it set an unrealistic deadline, 60 days, to deal diplomatically with those and other issues that months of active combat had failed to resolve.协议对伊朗的导弹武库——以色列的关键关切——只字未提。它还以黎巴嫩的停火为前提，尽管冲突双方以色列和真主党并非该协议的签署方。协议还设定了一个不切实际的60天期限，通过外交途径解决这些经过数月激战都未能得到解决的问题。There are, of course, many more turns ahead in this drama. Mr. Trump threatened again on Wednesday to try to seize Kharg Island, where giant tankers collect Iran’s oil and head to world markets. He may seek to seize the 60 percent enriched nuclear material deep underground at Isfahan, a mission for which Special Operations forces have trained extensively, though he dismissed the need for it on Wednesday.当然，这场大戏未来还会有更多转折。特朗普周三再次威胁，要设法夺取哈尔克岛。那里是大型油轮装载伊朗原油后驶向国际市场的重要枢纽。他也可能寻求夺取深埋于伊斯法罕地下、浓缩度达到60%的核材料。美国特种作战部队长期以来一直针对这一任务进行训练，不过特朗普周三却否认了采取这一行动的必要性。“We’ve already got the nuclear material, because it’s so far underground,” he said, noting that the Iranians do not have the heavy equipment needed to unearth it.“我们已经控制了那些核材料，因为它们深埋地下，”他说，并指出伊朗方面没有将其挖出的重型设备。If Mr. Trump is right about that, and many nuclear experts agree that the material would be enormously difficult to recover, it raises a fundamental question: If the nuclear fuel was successfully buried in the June 2025 American bombing of three major nuclear sites, why did he go to war to begin with? His statement on Wednesday, a repeat of comments he has made several times in recent months, undercuts the argument he made in the days after the initial attack in February that there was an “imminent” threat.如果特朗普此言不虚——许多核专家也认同取出这些材料极其困难——那就引出了一个根本性问题：如果核燃料在2025年6月美国对三处主要核设施的空袭中已被成功掩埋，那他当初为何还要发动这场战争？他周三的表态与他2月最初袭击后声称存在“迫在眉睫”威胁的论点自相矛盾，而类似说法他在近几个月已重复过多次。That initial justification has been overtaken by subsequent contradictions. Mr. Trump has periodically praised the new Iranian leadership, and even its new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of the slain ayatollah, as more “reasonable.” He has said many times that, unlike their predecessors, the new leaders would open up the strait and dilute the nuclear stockpile because it will be in their economic interest.那个最初的开战理由此后已被一系列自相矛盾的说法所取代。特朗普曾多次称赞伊朗新领导层，甚至其新任最高领袖——被击毙的哈梅内伊之子穆杰塔巴·哈梅内伊，称其更为“理性”。他多次表示，与前任不同，新领导层会开放海峡、稀释核库存，因为这符合其经济利益。Vice President JD Vance sounded exactly that note last month, when he was signing the memorandum of understanding in Switzerland.上个月，美国副总统万斯在瑞士签署这份谅解备忘录时，也表达了几乎完全相同的观点。“The coolest thing about the progress we’ve made over the last few weeks is that you see people within the Iranian system, senior leadership, even I.R.G.C. officials say, ‘You know what, we may have some animosity, we may have some mistrust, but we recognize the way that we’ve done business with the United States for 47 years is a mistake,’” he said.他说：“过去几周取得的进展中，最令人振奋的一点是，你会看到伊朗体制内部的人、高层领导人，甚至革命卫队官员都开始说：‘你知道吗？我们或许心存芥蒂，或许彼此不信任，但我们已经意识到，过去47年来与美国打交道的方式是错误的。’”On Wednesday, Mr. Trump had a different word for those leaders: “scum.”周三，特朗普用了一个截然不同的词来形容这些领导人——“人渣”。“They are sick people. They’re led by sick people, and they’re vicious, violent people,” he said, adding: “As far as I’m concerned, it’s just a waste of time dealing with them.”他说，“他们是病态的人。他们被病态的人领导，他们凶残、暴力，”他还补充道：“在我看来，跟他们打交道纯粹是在浪费时间。”Eric Schmitt对本文有报道贡献。David E. Sanger报道特朗普政府和一系列国家安全问题。他在时报任职超过40年，著有四本关于美国国家安全挑战的书。翻译：杜然点击查看本文英文版。