The clearest of Andy Burnham’s proposed policies is introducing greater levels of devolution – the handing over of more power from Westminster to regional and local authorities. Our experts explain the upcoming challenges, and potential solutions, if Burnham presses ahead with this policy.What will Burnham’s key challenge be?Michael Kenny, Professor of Public Policy, University of CambridgeBroadening and deepening English devolution may well be signature policies of an upcoming government led by Andy Burnham, but how will he handle the politics of an increasingly fractured UK? All of the UK’s devolved national governments are now led by parties formally committed to the secession of their territory from the union – and in the Northern Irish case, to the cause of reunification with the Republic of Ireland.This challenging situation has elicited barely a whisper at Westminster. But Burnham will be on the receiving end of the demands of political leaders championing their own territories and directing grievances and frustrations at his government. This means understanding the territorial levels at which the key responsibilities and levers sit in the UK’s complicated government system. And it means developing a strategic sense of which of his own core objectives – such as “good growth” – may at times require partnership with these administrations.It also means figuring out how to balance his commitment to the principle of devolved autonomy with the shared interests and needs of the whole UK – not least for a healthier and fairer economy. Given that this objective will create political challenges on both sides, Burnham’s ability to work across territorial and party lines – as he has often done as mayor of Greater Manchester – may well prove to be a useful asset. He would be well advised to hold a meeting of the Council of the Nations and Regions in his first 100 days, to try to reset these key intergovernmental relationships. But he also needs to steel himself for the conflicts that inevitably lie ahead.Make devolution meaningful and visibleMark Tewdwr-Jones, UCL Bartlett Professor of Cities and Regions, University College LondonAndy Burnham has set out his economic vision for the country, with devolution, regeneration and housing delivery at the heart of it. The English Devolution and Community Empowerment Act is already creating strategic authorities with new powers. But as we have seen in previous devolution efforts, creating new structures of government – even with the promise of infrastructure funding – does not in itself resolve economic and social disparities in the short term.What is required is a process of democratic renewal. People have views about how their cities and regions are changing. They’re well aware of the need for economic renewal and better housing. They want better infrastructure, from new railway stations to health facilities. They know about these issues because they live every day with their absence. But they have few ways to speak to their governments about them.Studies have shown that – if the right inclusive participatory processes are designed on the terms of those affected by change – people respond positively and proactively.And over the last ten years, UK cities and towns have been creating new ways for big conversations. Reading’s 2050 initiative, Newcastle’s Big Conversation and South Yorkshire’s Engagement Promise are all examples of how mayors have involved their citizens in decision-making – what’s been termed “double devolution”.As Tim Dixon and I have shown in our book Urban Futures, the architecture and the appetite are there already. We don’t need more new legislation to do this. The Planning and Infrastructure Act, passed by the Starmer government last December, compels the new strategic authorities to prepare for their areas’ long-term prospects through “spatial development strategies”. This could be a route for mayors to involve their constituents on a range of big issues around infrastructure and planning.But questions remain around whether such strategies will allow for public participation. Whether mayors are able to follow their own policy agendas, or are required to follow the Treasury’s, is key to democratic renewal in devolution.Now is the time to embrace a whole range of creative methods to make devolution meaningful and visible – including supporting citizens’ assemblies, digital platforms and youth forums. Burnham’s challenge is how to rebuild trust and foster democratic renewal, both in individual places and across wider society.Key to this will be supporting regional leaders to involve their constituents in planning and policy ideas. The public must have a voice in shaping their region’s future, or devolution will not deliver on its promises.Keep rural areas in mindJoanie Willett, Associate Professor in Politics, University of ExeterAlmost all of the UK’s population (82.4%) lives in urban areas, and of course, this is where the centres of political power are located – whether in London, Edinburgh, Cardiff or Belfast. Consequently, it might be expected that devolution policy is centred around a city-region logic. However, this neglects the contributions already being made by rural areas and the people who live there, including the food, water, energy and recreation benefits enjoyed by wider society.In a recent speech, Andy Burnham mentioned rural areas once – only in regard to transport. In setting out his vision for the new administration, such minimal attention to rural areas signalled little appreciation for their importance to national success.As part of the University of Exeter’s Nature Recovery and Regional Development project, my colleagues and I showed that rural upper-tier authorities (such as county or unitary councils) in England receive 31% less total budget than the national average. Consequently, rural areas receive a lower standard of service delivery. For many years, there has been chronic underappreciation and underinvestment in rural regions, to the detriment of rural residents. Given the concentration of decision-making power in the UK’s parliaments and cities, it is all too easy to leave rural regions behind. However, rural areas are home to innovative and dynamic businesses that could contribute much more to the UK economy, if investment was commensurate with other parts of the UK. Our next prime minister needs to understand this much better than he seems to now.An instructive example: the West MidlandsJulian Clark, Reader in Political Geography, University of BirminghamAndy Burnham has long argued that England’s regions need more power. He is probably right: England remains one of the most centralised political systems in the developed world, with comparatively little spending and decision-making occurring below the national level. Major policy and funding decisions remain concentrated in Whitehall.It is easy to think about devolution as a straightforward transfer of power from London to regional leaders. In reality, it creates almost as many questions as it answers. Where should the boundaries of a region be set? Who gets represented? And how do you balance the interests of different places within the same political settlement? Birmingham, the largest city in the West Midlands, has seen the benefits of devolution. Alexey Fedorenko/Shutterstock The West Midlands is an instructive example. The Conservative government’s 2023 Trailblazer devolution deal gave the West Midlands Combined Authority (WMCA) greater flexibility over how it spends funding across transport, housing, regeneration and skills. Central to the deal was a move towards a single settlement, granting the region greater discretion over spending priorities. That made it easier to think strategically about long-term economic development.The then-West Midlands mayor, Andy Street, showed how these powers could raise the region’s profile nationally, championing projects such as HS2 connectivity and wider investment in the region. The current mayor, Richard Parker, has similarly used the office as a platform for regional priorities on housing, transport and economic growth. His administration has placed particular emphasis on social housing, skills, public transport and the Midlands Rail Hub as drivers of regional development.Consequently, the WMCA has become politically significant in its own right: a recognised regional institution able to articulate priorities, negotiate directly with central government, and shape policy across transport, housing and economic development.But the WMCA also reveals the limits of devolution. Its formal boundaries do not neatly align with the region’s economic geography. People commute across these boundaries every day; housing markets and transport networks extend into neighbouring counties. Some of the problems the region needs to address operate across a wider geography than the devolved territory.Nor has devolution created a singular “West Midlands” identity. Instead, it has given Birmingham, the Black Country, Coventry and neighbouring authorities a new arena in which to compete for influence and investment.Birmingham City Council’s financial crisis highlights another challenge. The council issued a Section 114 notice in 2023 following mounting equal-pay liabilities and wider budget pressures, triggering government intervention.Devolution can move power around, but it cannot magic away fiscal constraints or years of local government underfunding. Nor can it ensure that new political boundaries map onto the economic and social geographies they are meant to govern. Are there lessons to learn from the Crown dependencies?Peter Clegg, Professor in Politics and International Relations, University of the West of EnglandAndy Burnham’s call for more devolution can draw useful lessons from the Crown dependencies of Jersey, Guernsey and the Isle of Man – although these lie at the extreme end of political autonomy within the British constitutional framework. They are not part of the UK and therefore enjoy a level of self-government that extends beyond that of any existing English devolved authority. Their relationship with the UK is via the Crown, and they enjoy extensive autonomy based on trust, convention and consultation, rather than regular interventions from Westminster.This model has been successful, with high GDPs per capita and the agility to adopt policies to maintain economic advantage. The dependencies have also been at the forefront of social policy, including legislation on assisted dying – though this is presently blocked by the UK Lord Chancellor and all legislation needs assent from His Majesty.Another lesson that can be drawn is giving devolved authorities a real voice in national decision-making. Crown dependencies participate in several intergovernmental forums, most notably the British-Irish Council, which brings them together with the UK, Ireland and the devolved administrations to cooperate on shared policy.As Crown dependencies feel that the UK should not intervene in their domestic affairs, when this happens it often causes significant unease. They can also become politically exposed when diverging from UK policy, as debates over financial regulation and assisted dying have shown.Cooperation between the dependencies also remains limited, and democratic engagement is poor. Turnout in Jersey’s general election this year was only 32%, raising questions about democratic vitality.Throughout the Brexit process, the Crown dependencies had a direct link to the UK government. This is an arrangement that Burnham said should also have been made available to the English regions.Joanie Willett receives funding from Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC); UK Research and Innovation (UKRIJulian Clark receives funding from UKRI, Horizon Europe and The Leverhulme Trust.Mark Tewdwr-Jones, Michael Kenny, and Peter Clegg do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.