王月眉2026年8月6日It was 91 degrees in Manhattan and even hotter on the pavement, but the Tibetans gathered as planned outside the Chinese Consulate. Amid the waving flags and synchronized chants, one of the protesters, Ngawang Tashi, looked for his friend Lobga Rangzen.曼哈顿的气温达到摄氏33度，人行道上更是炽热，但藏人们仍按计划聚集在中国领事馆外。在挥舞的旗帜和整齐划一的喊声中，抗议者之一阿旺扎西正在寻找他的朋友洛嘎让赞。Lobga Rangzen was a stalwart of events like this. His friends joked that he was happier at protests than on his birthday. At protests, he felt most useful to the cause of Tibetan independence from China — a cause to which he was so devoted, he had even put it in his name: Rangzen means “independence” in Tibetan.洛嘎让赞是此类活动的中坚力量。朋友们开玩笑说，他在参加抗议的时候比过生日还开心。他觉得通过抗议能对西藏的独立运动做出最大的贡献——他对这一事业非常执着，甚至把它放进了自己的名字里：让赞(Rangzen)在藏语中意为“独立”。Ngawang Tashi scanned the crowd once, then again. It was strange that Lobga Rangzen wasn’t there.阿旺扎西在人群中扫视了一圈，又扫视了一圈。洛嘎让赞不在，这很奇怪。The next evening, July 2, he was at Costco when another friend called.第二天晚上，即7月2日，他正在Costco时另一个朋友打来电话。“Come to the United Nations right now,” the friend said. “He is in front of there and burning.”“快来联合国，”朋友说。“他在大楼前，身上着火了。”联合国大楼外的一处纪念台，洛嘎让赞于今年7月在此自焚。Around the world, many people had already seen what Ngawang Tashi was just learning: Lobga Rangzen, 52, had set himself on fire in front of the United Nations headquarters in Manhattan, streaming the act live on Facebook. He had planted a Tibetan flag on the pavement and taken out fliers that demanded FREE TIBET and CHINA OUT OF TIBET. Then he lit his chuba, or Tibetan robe, on fire.在世界各地，许多人已经看到了阿旺扎西刚刚得知的事情：52岁的洛嘎让赞在曼哈顿的联合国总部大楼前自焚，并在Facebook上进行了直播。他在人行道上插了一面西藏旗帜，并拿出传单，要求“自由西藏”和“中国滚出西藏”。然后，他点燃了自己的楚巴，即藏袍。Ngawang Tashi couldn’t make sense of the news. He had just seen Lobga Rangzen a few days earlier, at their weekly Tibetan dance group. Hadn’t Lobga Rangzen just promised to make his famous Tibetan sausages for a party a few days later? Surely, he reassured himself, his friend would be fine.这个消息让阿旺扎西难以置信。几天前，他刚在每周一次的藏族舞蹈组见到过洛嘎让赞。洛嘎让赞不是刚答应过几天后在聚会上做他著名的藏式香肠吗？他安慰自己，朋友一定会没事的。But when he arrived at the hospital where firefighters had taken Lobga Rangzen, a nurse told him that he was too late. He could go in just to pay his last respects.但当他赶到消防员送洛嘎让赞去的医院时，一名护士告诉他已经太晚了。他进去只能做最后的告别。Since then, Ngawang Tashi has been grieving. But as politicians, including Mayor Zohran Mamdani and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, issued statements of mourning and major media outlets wrote about his friend’s death, he, and many Tibetan activists, have also struggled with a grim realization. Lobga Rangzen’s unthinkable act — the first known self-immolation by a Tibetan in the United States — may have achieved one of his greatest goals, however briefly: He made the world pay attention to Tibet.从那时起，阿旺扎西一直沉浸在悲痛中。但随着包括市长佐赫兰·马姆达尼和众议员亚历山德里亚·奥卡西奥-科尔特斯在内的政治人物发表哀悼声明，以及主流媒体报道他朋友的去世，他和许多藏人活动人士也面临着一个残酷的现实。洛嘎让赞令人不可思议的举动——已知的第一起藏人在美国自焚事件——可能在短时间内实现了他最大的目标之一：让世界关注西藏。“The other activities we Tibetans were doing, nobody is going to care about that,” Ngawang Tashi said. “Now everybody is talking.”“我们藏人正在做的其他活动没有人会关心，”阿旺扎西说。“现在大家都在讨论。”A week after Lobga Rangzen’s death, Ngawang Tashi sat inside his friend’s bedroom on the third floor of a narrow house in Queens. The two had shared the place for several years. Beside Ngawang Tashi was Lobga Rangzen’s niece, Sonam Choedon, who had lived there for several months after moving to the United States from India last year.洛嘎让赞去世一周后，阿旺扎西坐在他朋友位于皇后区一栋狭窄房子三楼的卧室里。两人曾在这里合租了几年。阿旺扎西身旁是洛嘎让赞的侄女索朗曲珍，她在去年从印度搬到美国后，在这里住了几个月。All around them were reminders of the time they had spent with Lobga Rangzen, and how closely it had been intertwined with protest. On the dresser was a snapshot of Lobga Rangzen with friends, including Ngawang Tashi, during a 13-day walk they made from New York to Washington in 2014 for Tibetan rights. On a table, there was a framed photograph of Sonam waving a Tibetan flag at a protest her uncle had taken her to last summer.他们周围的一切都在提醒着他们与洛嘎让赞共度的时光，以及这段时光与抗议活动交织得多么紧密。梳妆台上摆着一张洛嘎让赞与朋友们（包括阿旺扎西）的合影，那是他们在2014年为了争取藏人权益而从纽约徒步13天前往华盛顿期间拍摄的。桌子上摆着一张装在相框里的照片，照片上的索朗在去年夏天叔叔带她参加的一次抗议活动中挥舞着西藏旗帜。上个月，洛嘎让赞的前室友阿旺扎西来到这位朋友位于皇后区的卧室里。 A tangle of plastic badges hung from the curtain rod, showcasing volunteer stints over the years: as a security guard when the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s exiled spiritual leader, visited New York; as a videographer for an advocacy event. Awards from Tibetan activism groups covered the walls. A brightly colored tapestry of the Potala Palace, the former residence of the Dalai Lamas, was pinned over his bed. The only non-Tibetan element was a vibrating exercise machine, with a few shirts neatly draped over the arms.窗帘杆上挂着一串塑料徽章，展示着这些年来的志愿者经历：西藏流亡精神领袖达赖喇嘛访问纽约时担任安保人员；在一次倡导活动中担任摄像师。藏人活动团体的奖项贴满了墙壁。他的床上钉着一张色彩鲜艳的挂毯，上面印着曾经的达赖喇嘛寝宫布达拉宫。唯一非西藏元素的物品是一台震动健身机，扶手上整齐地挂着几件衬衫。“I used to dance with him in this room,” Ngawang Tashi said, gesturing to the narrow strip of floor between the table and the bed, where they had followed along with Tibetan music videos.“我以前常在这个房间里和他一起跳舞，”阿旺扎西指着桌子和床之间那块狭长的地板说，他们以前曾跟着藏语音乐视频在那里跳舞。Sonam smiled. Sometimes, when her uncle walked toward his friends on the street, she said, “you could see him come dancing.”索朗笑了。她说，有时当她叔叔在街上向朋友们走去时，“你可以看到他是跳着舞走过来的。”Lobga Rangzen’s room was a shrine to a homeland he hadn’t seen in more than 30 years. He was born in a remote part of eastern Tibet, as Lobsang Palden. (Tibetans usually do not have family names, only given names.) China had occupied Tibet since the 1950s, and he grew up hearing about how his family had resisted that occupation, Sonam said. Three of his uncles fought the Chinese Army in the 1950s, with one killed in combat and another dying in prison.洛嘎让赞的房间是一座供奉着他30多年未见的故乡的神龛。他出生于西藏东部的一个偏远地区，原名洛桑巴登。（藏人通常没有姓氏，只有名）。索朗说，中国自20世纪50年代起占领西藏，洛嘎让赞是听着家人如何抵抗的故事长大的。他的三个伯父在50年代曾与中国军队作战，其中一个在战斗中牺牲，另一个死于狱中。As a child, Lobga Rangzen was sent to a monastery for education. But the Chinese government allowed only one monk per family, and a relative had already taken his vows.小时候，洛嘎让赞被送到寺庙接受教育。但中国政府规定每个家庭只允许有一名僧人，而他的一位亲戚已经受戒了。So in 1992, when he was 18, he and an uncle fled. The journey to escape Tibet is treacherous, often involving weeks of trekking through the Himalayas at night to avoid detection by Chinese guards. Lobga Rangzen’s parents and three siblings, unable to make the journey, stayed behind. But Lobga Rangzen and his uncle made it to a refugee center in Nepal run by the Tibetan government-in-exile.因此，在1992年他18岁时，他和一位叔叔逃跑了。逃离西藏的旅程非常危险，通常需要在夜间穿越喜马拉雅山徒步数周，以避免被中国边防发现。洛嘎让赞的父母和三个兄弟姐妹无法完成这段旅程，他们留了下来。但洛嘎让赞和他的叔叔到达了由西藏流亡政府在尼泊尔设立的难民中心。From there, Lobga Rangzen was sent to a monastery in southern India, where he rallied other monks to attend protests against China.而后洛嘎让赞被送到印度南部的一座寺庙，在那里，他号召其他僧人参加反华抗议活动。In 2006, he arrived in the United States. Sonam wasn’t sure why he left India, but said that monasteries often sent members overseas to share their beliefs. In New York, Lobga Rangzen received asylum. He eventually left the monkhood, and threw himself into activism.2006年，他来到美国。索朗不确定他为什么离开印度，但表示寺庙经常派员去海外传播他们的信仰。在纽约，洛嘎让赞获得了庇护。他最终还俗，投身于活动主义。抗议者多次聚集在联合国大楼前悼念洛嘎让赞。At the time, Tibet was drawing global attention. Ahead of the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, monks and nuns in Tibet led mass protests against Chinese rule. The Chinese government responded violently, with rights groups saying that possibly hundreds of people died. (The Chinese government said the death toll was 22.)当时，西藏正在吸引全球的关注。在2008年北京奥运会之前，西藏的僧尼领导了反对中国统治的大规模抗议活动。中国政府采取了暴力回应，人权组织表示可能有数百人死亡。（中国政府称死亡人数为22人）。Leaders worldwide expressed outrage. President George W. Bush called for China to hold talks with the Dalai Lama.世界各地的领导人表示愤怒。乔治·W·布什总统呼吁中国与达赖喇嘛举行会谈。In New York, Lobga Rangzen was eager to contribute to the momentum. He built floats for regular protests outside the Chinese Consulate and staged hunger strikes near the United Nations. He shared photos of himself on social media meeting with politicians — Democrats and Republicans — at the Capitol.在纽约，洛嘎让赞渴望继续推动这一势头。他为中国领事馆外的定期抗议活动制作花车，并在联合国附近举行绝食抗议。他在社交媒体上分享了自己在国会山与两党政治人士会面的照片。Initially, he had worked in construction, but his bosses wouldn’t let him take time off for protests. He turned to driving for Uber instead. He never married, which, his friends said, didn’t bother him. He could devote himself completely to the cause.他最初在建筑行业工作，但他的老板不允许他请假去参加抗议。于是他转而为优步开车。他从未结婚，朋友们说他对此并不介意。他可以全身心地投入到这项事业中。曾为优步司机的洛嘎让赞有时会向乘客谈起西藏。“今天我偶遇了著名的美国演员兼电影导演福里斯特·惠特克，”他在去年发布的一张照片的配文中写道。“他也谈到了西藏问题。” But he did occasionally acknowledge the pain of one sacrifice: Ten years ago, he cut off direct contact with his family in Tibet, fearing that his work would jeopardize their safety. He communicated with them only through a cousin in the United States, Lobsang Samdup.但他偶尔也会承认一项牺牲带来的痛苦：十年前，由于担心自己的工作会危及家人的安全，他切断了与西藏家人的直接联系。他只通过在美国的一个堂兄弟洛桑桑珠与他们联络。Samdup said he had asked Lobga Rangzen to reconsider, telling him it was OK to think about himself more. “He said, ‘That’s not even a question,’” Samdup recalled.桑珠说，他曾劝洛嘎让赞重新考虑，告诉他多为自己着想也没什么错。“他说，‘这根本无需考虑，’”桑珠回忆道。For all his fervor, though, Lobga Rangzen was a cheerful figure. He always sat in the front row for performances by a stand-up comedian friend, though he knew he’d be picked for punchlines. He enjoyed hiking in upstate New York, singing as he trekked.尽管行事上如此热忱炽烈，洛嘎让赞却是一个欢快的人。他总是坐在前排观看一位脱口秀演员朋友的演出，尽管他知道自己会成为笑料。他喜欢在纽约上州徒步旅行，一边走一边唱歌。After late-night Uber shifts, he would meet up around 3 a.m. with other Tibetan driver friends at Indian restaurants in Midtown Manhattan, regaling them with gossip or folk tales.在深夜开完优步后，他会在凌晨3点左右与其他的藏人司机朋友在曼哈顿中城的印度餐厅聚会，用八卦或民间故事逗他们开心。“Sometimes I’d joke with him, ‘Hey, are those stories real?’” said one of those friends, Dechen Sangpo. “He would be like, ‘Doesn’t matter, you guys like it, right?’”“有时我会和他开玩笑，‘嘿，那些故事是真的吗？’”其中一位朋友德庆桑波说。“他就会说，‘不重要，你们喜欢就好，对吧？’”In recent months he was often found at the High Asia Research Center, a basement library in Queens set up by a Tibetan writer, Jamyang Norbu. Lobga Rangzen had salvaged old bookshelves from the street to help fill it.最近几个月，人们经常在皇后区的一家地下室图书馆——高地亚洲研究中心看到他，该中心由藏人作家加央诺布建立。洛嘎让赞从街上捡来旧书架，帮着把书架填满。位于皇后区的高地亚洲研究中心创始人加央诺布，他曾在这里与洛嘎让赞一起探讨关于社会运动的想法。 Vincent Alban for The New York TimesHe’d been especially enthusiastic about a pamphlet that Jamyang Norbu had written about Tibet’s history as an autonomous state. What if, Lobga Rangzen suggested, he turned the pamphlet into a slide show and drove cross-country with it playing on a screen atop his car? “He has ideas all the time,” Jamyang Norbu said. Even if some didn’t pan out, he said, “at least someone is making the effort to work things out.”他对加央诺布写的一本关于西藏作为自治国家历史的小册子特别感兴趣。洛嘎让赞建议，如果把这本小册子做成幻灯片在汽车顶部的屏幕上播放，然后开车横跨全国，会怎么样？“他总有各种点子，”加央诺布说。他说，即使有些想法没有实现，“至少有人在努力想办法解决问题。”The first person to self-immolate in Tibet to protest Chinese rule was a 24-year-old monk, in 2009.That spring, when the government forbade memorials to the victims of the previous year’s protests, the monk, Tapey, set himself on fire.2009年，一名24岁的僧人成为西藏首位为抗议中国统治而自焚的人。那年春天，政府禁止为前一年抗议活动的遇难者举行纪念活动，这位名叫扎白的僧人点燃了自己。Over the next decade, more than 150 other Tibetans would do the same, with 28 in November 2012 alone, according to the Tibetan exile government.据西藏流亡政府称，在接下来的十年里，又有150多名藏人效仿这一行为，仅在2012年11月就有28人自焚。Self-immolation is, for many people, perhaps the most unfathomable of political protests. When people have chosen it as their final act — whether they were Tibetans, or Vietnamese monks protesting religious suppression in the 1960s, or more recently, American activists drawing attention to climate change or the war in Gaza — the public response has been not only horror and sympathy, but also bewilderment.对许多人来说，自焚或许是最难以理解的政治抗议形式。当人们将其作为最后的抉择——无论是藏人，还是20世纪60年代抗议宗教镇压的越南僧人，抑或近期为引起人们对气候变化或加沙战争关注而自焚的美国活动人士——公众的反应不仅包含着恐惧和同情，还夹杂着困惑。Scholars have said self-immolation can become a last resort when no other form of protest is available, at least in Tibet. (Nearly all the Tibetan self-immolations have occurred inside Tibet, with a few in India or Nepal.) “If Tibetans saw even a sliver of an opportunity to hold demonstrations, then they would not resort to self-immolation,” Tsering Woeser, a leading Tibetan poet and scholar, has written.学者们表示，当没有其他形式的抗议可用时，自焚可能成为最后的手段，至少在西藏是这样。（几乎所有藏人自焚事件都发生在西藏内部，少数发生在印度或尼泊尔）。“如果藏人看到哪怕是一丝举行游行示威的机会，他们就不会采取自焚手段，”西藏著名诗人兼学者唯色曾这样写道。在洛嘎让赞去世后的几周里，藏人活动人士每天都在联合国总部前聚集。In New York, Lobga Rangzen protested all the time, to little apparent effect. As China’s economy grew, other countries became more reluctant to challenge it on human rights issues. Even some fellow Tibetans seemed to be resigned to Chinese rule.在纽约，洛嘎让赞一直在抗议，但似乎收效甚微。随着中国经济的发展，其他国家越来越不愿在人权问题上挑战中国。甚至一些藏人同胞似乎也顺从于中国的统治。The repression in Tibet, though, was unrelenting. Earlier this year, China announced that it would enact a new law to promote “ethnic unity.” The law mandates the use of Mandarin Chinese as the language of instruction in schools, and says that the Chinese government would pursue people who create “ethnic division” — the government’s label for political activism by ethnic minorities — even overseas.然而，在西藏的镇压并未停止。今年早些时候，中国宣布将颁布一项促进“民族团结”的新法律。该法律强制要求在学校使用普通话作为教学语言，并表示中国政府将追究制造“民族分裂”的人——这是政府给少数民族政治活动贴上的标签——即使这些人身在海外。Lobga Rangzen spent hours each week at the Tibetan library, talking to Jamyang Norbu about the need for new tactics. Jamyang Norbu sensed that the cross-country drive idea wasn’t satisfying him.洛嘎让赞每周花几个小时在藏人图书馆与加央诺布讨论寻找新策略的必要性。加央诺布感觉到，横跨全国之旅的想法并不能让洛嘎让赞满意。“But you know, other than that, what can you do now? This is the problem he faced in life. We don’t have resources,” he said. “He was running out of ideas.”“但是你知道，除此之外，现在还能做什么？这是他一生面临的问题。我们没有资源，”他说。“他已经无计可施了。”Lobga Rangzen did not raise the idea of self-immolation to his niece, cousin or any of his friends. Only Ngawang Tashi said that he once talked about it — more than 10 years ago. During the peak of the immolations in Tibet, Lobga Rangzen had asked him for advice on writing a last statement. Ngawang Tashi told him he was more useful alive. Lobga Rangzen never mentioned it again.洛嘎让赞没有向他的侄女、堂兄弟或者任何朋友提出过自焚的想法。只有阿旺扎西说他曾经提起过——那是10多年前的事了。在西藏自焚最高峰的时期，洛嘎让赞曾向他请教过如何撰写最后的声明。阿旺扎西告诉他，他活着更有用。洛嘎让赞就再也没提过这件事。But in recent months the new law had weighed heavily on him. He called one friend to say the Chinese government was trying to cut out Tibetans’ tongues. He told another that Tibetans overseas might not be safe, either.但最近几个月来，这项新法律让他感到非常沉重。他打给一个朋友说，中国政府正在试图割掉藏人的舌头。他告诉另一个朋友，海外的藏人可能也不安全。On June 30, the day before the law went into effect, he called Dechen, his friend who had also driven Ubers. Dechen had recently finished law school, and Lobga Rangzen congratulated him. But, he said, Dechen should remember not to focus only on money. “I want you to contribute for Tibetan independence,” he told him.6月30日，也就是该法律生效的前一天，他打给了也开过优步的朋友德庆。德庆最近刚读完法学院，洛嘎让赞向他表示祝贺。但他还说，德庆应该记住，不要只关注钱。“我希望你为西藏独立贡献力量，”他告诉他。Dechen was surprised. Lobga Rangzen rarely offered him unsolicited advice. “I was like, ‘OK, why are you telling me this?’” Dechen said. “He was like, ‘It just came to mind, so I just wanted to share with you.’”德庆感到很惊讶。洛嘎让赞很少主动向他提供建议。“我当时想，‘好吧，你为什么跟我说这个？’”德庆说。“他说，‘只是突然想到了，所以想和你分享。’”洛嘎让赞的侄女索朗曲珍（右）和他的堂兄弟洛桑桑珠在他位于皇后区的卧室里。 The next day, he called again, to say hello from a hike upstate, where he’d gone with his niece and several friends. It was July 1, the day of the demonstration against the new law at the Chinese Consulate. Lobga Rangzen didn’t mention the protest.第二天，他又打来电话，说他正和侄女及几位朋友在纽约州北部徒步旅行，顺便问候一下。那是7月1日，在中国领事馆外举行反对新法游行示威的日子。洛嘎让赞没有提到抗议的事。On July 2, he called for a third straight day. Dechen suggested grabbing lunch together, but Lobga Rangzen said it was too hot. Besides, he said, he had to take care of some things.7月2日，他连续第三天打来电话。德庆建议一起吃午饭，但洛嘎让赞说天气太热了。此外，他说他还得处理一些事情。“Call me back when you’re done,” Dechen said. “Let’s meet.”“处理完了给我回电话，”德庆说。“我们见个面。”“All right,” Lobga Rangzen said.“好的，”洛嘎让赞说。Four hours later, Lobga Rangzen sat down, cross-legged, under metal scaffolding across from the United Nations building. For six minutes, he spoke into his phone camera, denouncing what he called China’s efforts at “completely erasing Tibet’s existence” and asking Tibetans in exile to unite. He spoke calmly, even as sweat beaded on his forehead from the sweltering heat.四个小时后，洛嘎让赞在联合国大楼对面的金属脚手架下盘腿坐下。在六分钟的时间里，他对着手机镜头发表讲话，谴责他所称的中国“彻底抹去西藏存在”的努力，并呼吁流亡藏人团结起来。尽管酷热难耐，额头上汗珠滚落，他的语气依然沉着。“If I do a big action today, I want you to know it is not for any personal reason. It is not because I have nothing to eat or nothing to wear, but because I am doing this for my country,” he said.“如果我今天做出一个重大行动，我希望你们知道，这不是为了任何个人原因。不是因为我吃不饱、穿不暖，而是为了我的祖国，”他说。“I don’t want you to mourn for me. I want you to continue the struggle for Tibetan independence.”“我不希望你们为我哀悼。我希望你们为西藏独立而继续奋斗。”Moments later, a 911 caller reported a man on fire.片刻之后，一位911报警者称，有一名男子身上着火了。In retrospect, Lobga Rangzen’s friends realized there may have been signs. He and Dechen usually spoke a few times a month, not three days in a row. At his last dance group meeting, he had given a shirt to Ngawang Tashi, insisting he take it even when Ngawang Tashi said he had plenty.事后回想起来，洛嘎让赞的朋友们意识到，可能曾经有过征兆。他和德庆通常一个月只通几次电话，而不是连续三天。在最后一次的舞蹈小组聚会上，他送了阿旺扎西一件衬衫，即使阿旺扎西说他有很多衬衫，他仍坚持要阿旺扎西收下。No one could pinpoint when Lobga Rangzen had started planning but they were sure that his decision had not been spontaneous, but strategic. At the heart of activism, he knew, was the competition for attention. He had just been waiting for the moment when he thought he could have impact.没有人能确切指出洛嘎让赞是从什么时候开始策划这件事的，但他们确信，他的决定不是一时冲动，而是经过深思熟虑。他知道，行动主义的核心在于争夺关注。他一直在等待那个他认为自己能够产生影响的时机Some of his friends quietly acknowledge that his action might not make a difference with the U.S. government or the United Nations. Still, their responsibility is to try to make sure it does.他的一些朋友私下承认，他的行动或许无法对美国政府或联合国产生实质影响。尽管如此，他们的责任是尽力确保它能产生影响。洛嘎让赞的朋友们一边为他的离世感到悲痛，一边努力纪念他的牺牲。In the weeks since Lobga Rangzen’s death, hundreds of people have turned out for a stream of events in his honor. There was a 6 a.m. prayer service, a march to the Chinese Consulate and near-daily gatherings at the United Nations. Even his funeral became a protest, with attendees wearing Free Tibet baseball caps and T-shirts.在洛嘎让赞去世后的几周里，数百人参加了一系列纪念他的活动。包括早上6点的祷告仪式，前往中国领事馆的游行，还有几乎每天在联合国举行的集会。甚至他的葬礼也变成了一场抗议活动，参加者穿戴着印有“自由西藏”字样的T恤和棒球帽。On the Wednesday after his death, about a dozen members of his dance group, including Ngawang Tashi, gathered after sunset in front of the United Nations. Metal barriers guarded the site of the immolation, where heaps of flowers and multicolored Tibetan prayer flags surrounded a photo of their friend, smiling serenely.在他去世后的那个周三，日落之后，包括阿旺扎西在内的约十几名舞蹈小组成员聚集在联合国总部门前。金属栅栏围住了自焚现场，那里堆满鲜花和五彩缤纷的藏人祈祷旗，环绕着他们的朋友安详微笑的照片。The group sat down on the pavement in front of the makeshift altar, heads bowed, and made a promise. In his last message, Lobga Rangzen had urged Tibetans to keep dancing, to preserve their culture. But they were too sad to dance now, Ngawang Tashi said. So for 49 days — in Tibetan Buddhism, the time it takes for the soul to be reborn — they would not, though they would carry out his wishes in other ways, including protesting.这群人在临时祭坛前的人行道上坐下，低头默祷，许下承诺。在洛嘎让赞最后的留言中，他敦促藏人继续跳舞，保护他们的文化。但阿旺扎西说，他们现在太难过了，跳不下去了。因此在49天里——在藏传佛教中，这是灵魂转世所需的时间——他们不会跳舞，但会以其他方式来实现他的遗愿，包括抗议活动。Then, “after that,” Ngawang Tashi said, “we will keep on dancing, as you advised.”然后，阿旺扎西说：“到那以后，我们会按照你的建议，继续跳舞。”摄影：Vincent Alban王月眉(Vivian Wang)是时报驻纽约记者，报道中国的崛起及雄心如何影响中国国内外民众的生活。Vincent Alban是一名摄影记者，也是2025-26年时报奖学金项目成员，这是一个为职业生涯初期的记者设置的项目。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。