In the past two weeks, Europe has witnessed demonstrations and riots in several countries. What began as an earnest protest against the poor quality of some suburban French state schools has now become a pan-European movement. Protests in Spain over high rental costs pushed the country’s prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, into calling an early general election, while in Belgium, demonstrators complained about the poor educational outcomes emerging from the nation’s Francophone education system. Violent protests have also taken place in Albania, challenging its potential entry to the EU.AdvertisementOn the surface, these apparently disparate movements have little in common. Yet look a little deeper, and there are a number of common threads beyond the obviously violent nature of some of these protests. But first, we have to look at France.Also Read | Best of Both Sides on protests across Europe: Behind each discontent, a distinct realityThere is no such thing as a “European dream” to rival the notion, inherent in the American dream, that any individual can progress to a better life through education and hard work. Yet there has been, since World War II, an expectation in some liberal democratic countries that each generation would improve on the chances of the previous one. In France, this was best captured in the postwar period through the financial boom of the Trente Glorieuses, the 30 so-called “glorious years”, in which the US-funded Marshall Plan led to a newfound economic optimism. The baby boom necessarily required changes to the education system, which were gradually introduced once Charles de Gaulle returned to power in the new Fifth Republic.The events of May and June 1968, pivotal in the history of protest in modern France and used as a template for the current protestors, accelerated education reform, including the need for better facilities at high schools and in state universities. But as the 30 glorious years drew to a close, coinciding with the 1973 oil crisis, the prospects of young people in France became far less bright. Ever since, it has been much harder for aspirational youth to obtain a high-quality job. No president of the Fifth Republic has been able to make any meaningful changes to improve youth unemployment.AdvertisementGiven that the French economy declined considerably as the oil crisis hit, subsequent governments struggled to pump in sufficient funds to better the education system. This has led to dissatisfaction with the condition of school buildings, an absence of cover teachers during teacher absence, and poor educational outcomes: Issues at the heart of these protests. With French public debt reaching over 115 per cent of GDP and a deficit of 5.1 per cent in 2025, Emmanuel Macron faces an uphill struggle to address any of these very legitimate concerns. It seems unlikely that the cost of living is likely to reduce any time soon in France, despite Macron’s visit to the Gulf to try to obtain cheaper oil.The cost of living is not solely a French concern. The rental costs in Spain provoked the demonstrations in that country, with the spark coming from an elderly lady — María Abascal — being forced to leave her apartment in the face of an unaffordable increase in rent. The scale of these protests, and the lack of capacity of the Socialist government to push through legislation to address rental laws, has led to a snap parliamentary election. Spain, led by Sánchez, has been vocal in its criticism of Donald Trump’s war in Iran, the catalyst for the staggering increase in the cost of oil. Inevitably, other goods have also increased in cost, making it challenging for many to go shopping for everyday essentials.you may likeOther Eurozone countries have not been immune to protests over economic concerns. Belgium and Italy have both seen demonstrations. In Belgium, as in France and Spain, youth unemployment is high and there is concern over educational standards in the Francophone stream of the education system. There is very little room for manoeuvre for these governments. Their link to the Eurozone means that they have little capacity to ease the cost of living. Inevitably, tax rises will be necessary to fund essential public services. None of the Eurozone economies can instruct a central bank to begin buying up government bonds to ease pressure from the markets.The postwar consensus appears to have frayed. The likes of Macron and Sánchez, especially, are challenged by the political extremes. As protests grow violent, the far-right looks to assert its authority on law and order, a move Marine Le Pen in France has already made. The extreme-left places itself on the side of the protestors, urging greater public spending and taxes on the rich. The centrists appear to have very few answers. As we head towards pivotal elections in Spain and France, the future of moderate political parties appears in doubt.The writer teaches contemporary French history, culture and politics at the University of Warwick