Trump Is Preparing for a Long War

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To hear the Trump administration tell it, the war with Iran is all but over. U.S. military posture tells a different story: Naval forces are being positioned for a sustained presence at least through the end of the year, keeping open the option of escalation.The Navy is moving aircraft carriers, its signature asset, around the globe so that two can be deployed in and around the Persian Gulf in the final months of this year, giving the United States the ability to hit both Iran and Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen, who have recently fired barrages of missiles at Saudi Arabia. Meanwhile, the Army has extended the deployment of elements of the 82nd Airborne Division, which are already in the region, because of “operational requirements.”The conflict, now in its seventh month, has already lasted far longer than the president’s initial predictions of victory within a few weeks. And senior officials have recently downplayed the scale of the conflict in the apparent hope that it will recede from the headlines. Vice President Vance claimed to reporters last week that the U.S. is not at war at all. Soon after, President Trump referred to the conflict as “small potatoes,” though he has since termed it a war. After Iran targeted a U.S. warship, the Navy sank five Iranian crude-oil tankers on Tuesday, according to U.S. Central Command. With no talks under way, and no end to the hostilities in sight, the Navy is staying on a war footing indefinitely, adding to the severe burden already placed on the Navy and on U.S. munitions stockpiles.The unusually long deployment of the carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, whose crew spent 264 consecutive days at sea and dropped more than 1.5 million pounds of ordnance, was plagued with food and supply shortages, plumbing problems, and declining morale. The Lincoln eventually departed for Thailand, relieved by USS George Washington.The Washington joined about 20 other ships in the Middle East, including USS George H. W. Bush, another carrier that has been there since April. Now the USS Theodore Roosevelt carrier strike group is preparing to leave its San Diego base to relieve the Washington, which is expected to finish its deployment by the end of the year. In short, the Navy is planning to maintain two aircraft carrier strike groups in the Middle East near Iran for at least the rest of 2026, U.S. officials told us. The Navy has seldom mustered such a formidable presence there since the heights of the Afghan and Iraq Wars, and the move reflects the fact that the administration is considering a ramp-up of its military-strike campaign after November, the officials said.Talking to reporters late last month, Admiral Daryl Caudle, the chief of naval operations, prepared the Roosevelt’s crew for tough times ahead and a lengthy deployment at sea, especially now that Iran’s attacks on U.S. bases in the Gulf have made getting sailors to shore much more challenging. Caudle acknowledged that he couldn’t say how long the Roosevelt’s deployment would last and that it could keep being extended.“If we know we’re going into harm’s way, we should be able to project with a little bit more fidelity how long the carrier and the strike group is going to stay on station,” Caudle said, according to USNI News. “We do these extensions in little chunks, and the families don’t see any endpoint so they can plan their own lives—that creates a lot of stress for sailors.” He added: “I typically am not a big fan of extensions, and I push back hard on that. But the enemy gets a vote.”An extended conflict is not at all what the White House wants. Trump has been trying to extricate himself from the war for months, frequently frustrated that he has not been able to bludgeon Iran into surrendering—and angry that Tehran has continued to defy his bombastic threats. In recent weeks, the administration has settled on a campaign of economic pressure to try to force Tehran to negotiate more seriously. Officials told us that there are signs that the approach is working and that Iran’s economy, already battered, is further teetering. But economic pressure can take months or years to have its full effect. And the hard-liners in Iran have long shown a willingness to ignore the suffering of their people if it means tightening their grip on power. Trump hinted at Iran’s perseverance yesterday, telling reporters before boarding Air Force One that he now believes Tehran will try to hold out until after the American elections. Some aides think it could be even longer. U.S. Central Command said it does not talk about future troop movements.[Read: The real reason Trump wants economic sanctions on Iran ]A sustained economic chokehold has potential political benefits for the administration, keeping the unpopular conflict quiet while Republicans run for election this fall. But the inherent complication with that plan is that the status quo would likely keep gas prices high, which is why the administration has kept such a focus on the Strait of Hormuz, a vital waterway for global energy supplies. Iran seized it, and effectively shut it, in the early days of the war.Trump has privately told advisers that he is eager to claim victory and move on, but acknowledges that he cannot credibly do so while the strait remains largely closed or menaced by Iran, a senior White House aide and an outside adviser told us on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. The president has signed off on military action around the strait to punish Iran’s efforts to thwart the U.S. blockade.The administration has also begun preparing for the possibility that the economic-pressure campaign may push Iran into ramping up its attacks, creating the need for a greater U.S. military presence, according to the senior aide. And though Trump would prefer to be done with the war as soon as possible, he has signaled a willingness to consider renewing a more sustained military campaign—but likely only after the midterms and once the Pentagon has replaced some of its depleted weapons supply.Right now, Tehran appears to favor escalation.In recent days, Iranian forces attacked commercial shipping, threatened to create a maritime exclusion zone in the Gulf (a nonstarter for the U.S. and other Gulf countries), aimed ballistic missiles at nearby U.S. naval vessels, and vowed to “take action against any threat, even before it is carried out.” Collectively, these moves by Tehran were sending a message: We are willing to go big to get a deal. The regime has also been preparing its own citizens for extended hardship, pushing national unity amid rampant inflation and shortages brought on by U.S. sanctions. “Their message is, The U.S. is using economic pressure to create another uprising in Iran, the prelude to the next big war,” Vali Nasr, a professor of international affairs and Middle East studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, told us. “They are trying to prepare the population for no short-term resolution.”Carriers are not the only ships capable of supporting the U.S. blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. But they give the United States something the other ships cannot: a mobile airfield capable of quickly launching sustained combat operations without relying on bases in countries that could come under Iranian attack. More broadly, the carriers are considered a form of deterrence, a projection of American power and intent. Yet they can also illustrate the limits of U.S. capabilities.As long as two of the 10 available U.S. carriers are near the Gulf, the Navy can’t sustain a carrier elsewhere in the world without putting a tremendous strain on the force. The other carriers are either in shipyards or resetting between deployments. Every time the U.S. extends a deployment, that jolts scheduling for shipyards by months. And it puts strain on Navy families and sailors. That also means no aircraft carrier in the Pacific to show U.S. determination to defend its allies and Taiwan against possible Chinese aggression. And no deployed aircraft carrier in the Western Hemisphere.[Read: Will Taiwan just give up?]“Once the administration decided on the blockade as its main line of effort, they also concluded that this would be a sustained campaign,” Bryan Clark, a defense expert at Hudson Institute, told us. “But keeping carriers in the Arabian Gulf for responsive strikes will prevent sustaining carrier presence elsewhere. We may see U.S. influence erode in places like the Asia Pacific, like Japan and Taiwan.”U.S. allies are already anticipating a less consistent U.S.-carrier presence in Asia, defense officials told us, with Japan and the Philippines discussing ways to bolster their naval forces in response to the threat from China. Meanwhile, the U.S. is relying on a different mix of ships for its operations in the Indo-Pacific, including littoral-combat ships that normally support the Middle East but arrived in Singapore for maintenance shortly after the Iran war began. The Navy has been trying to move some of those ships back toward the Gulf too.Sailors on the aircraft carriers in the Gulf will face a theater shaped by Iran’s persistence. Because of Tehran’s attacks over the past six months, the U.S. has lost the infrastructure to support multiple port visits for carriers in places such as Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates. For now, until the Navy finds alternative sites for liberty breaks, in Africa and potentially as far away as Singapore, carrier strike groups will likely get two stops during extended deployments, one en route and one when homeward bound. And with fewer safe nearby ports, resupply must be done from bases farther away, such as Diego Garcia, a British territory in the central Indian Ocean.“This will be the new normal,” one former defense official explained to us.Regular aircraft-carrier deployments last six to eight months. But the extensions in the Gulf are just the latest in a string of longer deployments over the past decade, as the U.S. has sought a robust naval presence in Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and now the Western Hemisphere. USS Gerald R. Ford anchored the flotilla that pressured Caracas in the run-up to the seizure of President Nicolás Maduro in January.[Read: Venezuela seems to be going … well?]Those longer deployments have ripple effects throughout the service, borrowing against future time that was slotted for maintenance and training. That has steadily eroded sailor retention and readiness. “When you overuse an asset, eventually you are going to pay a price,” John Pendleton, who directed the Government Accountability Office’s military-readiness work for more than a decade, told us.The Navy has seen the effects of such strains before. In 2017, after two fatal destroyer collisions in the Pacific just two months apart, Navy officials acknowledged that an intense operational tempo contributed: Ships were repeatedly tasked to meet demands despite shortfalls in training, maintenance, and manning, leaving crews overstretched and, in some cases, exhausted. Almost a decade on, a similar risk exists in the Persian Gulf.