Alice Weidel, co-leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, speaks ahead of a parliamentary group meeting in the Bundestag in Berlin on Oct. 6, 2026. —Michael Kappeler—Getty ImagesEurope’s far-right leaders have shown signs of distancing themselves from President Donald Trump after his Republican Party suffered significant blows in the midterm elections, losing control of both the House and Senate.The steps back, although slight, are notable considering how Europe’s right-leaning figures have previously celebrated sharing ideological ties with Trump. When the now-embattled President returned to the White House in January 2025, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and Santiago Abascal, the leader of Spain's far-right Vox party, were among the European lawmakers invited to his Inauguration Day.But the tide may now be turning. While left-leaning European leaders have celebrated the Democrats’ gains in the U.S. midterms, some far-right figures in Europe appear keen to succinctly separate themselves from Trump and his policies. Trump ran in 2024 on a campaign that promised to avoid dragging the U.S. into foreign wars, instead focusing on home prosperity. His war with Iran, which is now in its ninth month, has gone against that campaign pledge—a fact Alice Weidel, co-leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, brought up in her assessment of the GOP’s midterm losses."Trump had promised his voters he would not pursue an interventionist foreign policy," Weidel told Germany’s T-online outlet on Wednesday. "This broken campaign promise has now come back to haunt the Republicans."While Weidel acknowledged that the political party in control of the White House typically loses seats in Congress during the midterms, she argued that the scale of the Republican defeat “is remarkable” and can be explained primarily by the “devastating consequences of the Iran war."The commentary marked a shift in tone for a party that has often welcomed the support of the Trump Administration, both overtly and covertly. Weidel met with Vice President J.D. Vance in February 2025, just days before the German election. During that trip, Vance spoke at the Munich Security Conference and took time out of his speech to criticize what is known as the “firewall” approach in Germany—the agreement among other political parties that they will not work with the AfD. In another show of support, billionaire Elon Musk, while heading the Trump Administration’s now-defunct Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), made a virtual appearance at an AfD campaign event. After the AfD won a state election in September, Trump, who has long accused European countries of holding weak immigration policies, remarked: “The populist party in Germany just had a really big night. They finally got tired of the absolutely horrible immigration rules and regulations, which have hurt Germany.”A political shift from EuropeFurther efforts to create distance from the MAGA brand came from Jordan Bardella, president of France’s far-right National Rally. When asked about the Republicans’ midterm losses by a French radio show, Bardella said the “American intervention in Iran" had carried “very heavy consequences” for world economies.“What is certain is that Donald Trump's second term differs quite significantly, in its philosophy and foreign policy, from his first, during which his political ambition was to withdraw the United States from major global conflicts,” he said. Georgios Samaras, assistant professor of public policy at King’s College London, tells TIME that the scale of the Republican defeat sent “shock waves across the continent.”“After two years of catastrophic economic management, [Trump’s] international standing is gone. It's practically like the far-right [is] losing their global leader,” he says, adding that Trump’s loss is likely to be seen as “a gift to all liberals.”In Spain, Abascal, who will take part in a snap election at the end of November, also backed away any midterms discussion.“I'm not in Michigan to analyze an election, I'm in Ciudad Real. And considering the November 29th elections, I couldn't care less about what happens in other countries,” he told reporters.His positioning stood in stark contrast to the U.S. alliance he nurtured last year, when Trump during the 2025 Conservative Political Action Conference praised Abascal for doing a “great job” in Spain. In 2022, Trump made a virtual appearance at one of Santiago’s rallies in Madrid.When approached about how Europe's far-right leaders have reacted to the GOP's midterm losses, White House deputy press secretary Anna Kelly told TIME: “President Trump has effectively restored American strength on the global stage and strengthened relationships with world leaders.”Aurélien Mondon, a professor of politics at the University of Bath who specializes in reactionary politics, points to how far-right parties in Europe have benefited from “transnational cooperation” with the MAGA movement.That cooperation has spanned years, ranging from Trump ally Steve Bannon’s efforts to bolster right-wing parties in Europe to the Trump Administration’s antagonistic posture toward Europe’s mainstream political parties and leaders. Trump’s influence has also extended to political campaigns, with his ally in Britain, Reform UK leader Nigel Farage, staging MAGA-style rallies during last year’s local elections in England.“These kinds of transnational networks have served [the far-right] well in many ways, and it allowed them to mainstream their politics,” says Mondon, who warns that such alliances can also be limited and opportunistic. “At the end of the day, these parties are about the nation, and so they can very easily detach themselves from the failures of their counterparts elsewhere.”Signs of strained relations between Trump and European alliesThe growing distance between Trump and some of his far-right European allies is not entirely new. Mujtaba Rahman, managing director for Europe at Eurasia Group, a political-risk consultancy, says that “far-right leaders across the European continent have been distancing themselves from MAGA for quite some time.”“It's been clear to different persuasions of the far-right in the E.U. that association with the Trump brand, the MAGA brand, is an electoral liability,” he says. “That happened in the aftermath of Trump's Greenland pronouncements, and the aftermath of the war in Iran, and the impact that's having on cost-of-living issues, which is a key political issue.”In 2024, Bardella said his “heart leans toward Trump,” but he has since criticized some of the President’s policies. In January, when Trump ramped up his threats to annex Greenland, Bardella urged the European Union to unite against what he referred to as “a direct challenge to the sovereignty of a European country.” AfD leadership also distanced itself from the annexation rhetoric. Meloni said Trump’s threats to impose tariffs on European allies over Greenland would be a “mistake.”Beyond differences over foreign policy. Meloni, once dubbed Europe’s “Trump Whisperer,” also clashed with the President in June after he said she had “begged” for a photo with him at the G7 Summit—a claim Meloni said was “completely fabricated.”The divide over Trump’s war with IranThe Iran war, in particular, has deepened tensions between the Trump Administration and some of Europe’s far-right leaders, as the conflict has hit European markets with soaring energy costs, adding to cost-of-living pressures across the continent.Matteo Salvini, Italy’s deputy Prime Minister and leader of the far-right League party, said he hoped the Republicans’ midterm losses would be interpreted as a halt “to interventionism around the world.” He added: “The American result was influenced above all by the wars, international tensions and the increase in the cost of living, the consequences of which fall directly on families.”Rupert Lowe, leader of the far-right Restore Britain party, similarly argued that Trump’s war with Iran led to the Republicans’ election defeats, referring to the conflict as a “catastrophic” mistake. “What has this war achieved? Absolutely nothing of worth,” he said, without directly naming Trump in his reflections. While these tensions had been building for months, Rahman argues that the midterm results have further “tarnished the MAGA brand.”“I think [Europe’s far-right] were hoping the Trump Administration would legitimize their own political identity. It would produce a tailwind that would help them, in the context of elections next year,” he says, pointing to France’s upcoming presidential election in 2027.Trump hailed far-right figure Marine Le Pen as a “conservative voice” amid the protests in France last month. Le Pen was convicted for misusing E.U. funds last year. An appeals court upheld the conviction in July, but shortened her sentence, clearing the path for her to run in the April 2027 presidential election. She is currently leading in polls ahead of the high-stakes race. When asked if he plans to endorse Le Pen, Trump told reporters in the Oval Office: "Well, I don't know her, I haven't met her. But I thought she was badly treated. It would look like a weaponization to me.” The Trump Administration has previously engaged in some of Europe’s pivotal elections. In Hungary last year, Viktor Orbán, who had received a strong endorsement from Trump, was joined on the campaign trail by Vice President J.D. Vance. The display of U.S. strength did little to sway the tide, as Orbán was defeated by Péter Magyar, bringing an end to his consequential 16-year rule—and marking the loss of a key European ally for Trump.But will the U.S. presence be so sought after in Europe moving forward? “I think the conclusion, given the chaos, the turbulence, and incompetence of the Administration, is actually that MAGA and Trump are a liability, and if there is any association, it is better to be covert, not overt,” argues Rahman.Meanwhile, Mondon says that while outward cooperation between the Trump Administration and far-right parties in Europe may diminish, it is unlikely to disappear entirely."I don't think they will radically distance themselves from Trump or anything like this,” he says. “But I think they will cool down the kind of links between the U.S. and their own parties and countries, at least [for] the moment.”