Demonstrators on Madrid's central Paseo de la Castellana, during the general strike on September 29, 2010. Wikimedia Commons, CC BYThe end of the Franco dictatorship profoundly changed labour relations in Spain. Under Franco, trade unions were wholly authoritarian, and there was only one permitted union, the Spanish Syndical Organisation or “Sindicato Vertical”. But after Franco’s death in 1975 and the subsequent transition to democracy, trade unions and employers’ organisations received full constitutional recognition as the main players in collective bargaining.During the transition to democracy, which lasted from 1977 to 1982, employers and unions engaged in social dialogue, with the aim of consolidating Spain’s young democracy. It also sought to mitigate the severe economic crisis that began in 1977. The crisis stemmed from overproduction and a sharp rise in oil prices, leading to soaring production costs and high inflation and unemployment.This social dialogue, known as concertación, ensured social peace, and brough about multiple landmark labour agreements in the early 1980s.But from 1987 onward, this consensus broke down. As employers and the government failed to fulfil their commitments – particularly regarding employment – there was widespread unrest amongst trade unions. In addition, Spain came under new competitive pressures when it entered the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986. This was the context in which post-Franco Spain’s first general strike was called.December 14, 1988The strike was called by Spain’s two largest trade unions, the Workers’ Commissions (CCOO) and the General Union of Workers (UGT), against Felipe González’s Socialist Party (PSOE) government. The flashpoint was the proposed Youth Employment Plan, which created temporary contracts with lower wages for younger workers. The unions called for the plan to be withdrawn, and for an increase in minimum pensions and less temporary employment.The strike, which came on December 14, 1988, was very broadly attended: public transport came to a standstill, national broadcaster TVE interrupted its usual programming, and the manufacturing and construction sectors, along with much of the service sector, joined the strike. It was, undoubtedly, the mobilisation with the greatest political impact in the history of Spanish democracy. After the strike, the Government withdrew the Youth Plan. It also improved pensions, and began a new phase of consultation with trade unions. Leer más: Strikes, protests and collective action: how fighting a cost-of-living crisis wasn’t always about tightening your own belt The 1992 crisisIn the early 1990s, the first signs of an economic recession began to emerge. While Spain’s accession to the EEC had boosted the country’s economic growth, subsequent factors such as the first Gulf war, the European Monetary System crisis and Spain’s declining industrial output – which came after years of economic prosperity – led to worsening economic growth figures.The impact on jobs was immediate. From 1992 to 1993, unemployment rose above 20% once again. Meanwhile, in Europe, EEC member states were negotiating the Maastricht Treaty, which would transform the EEC into the European Union. Once the agreement had been signed in February 1992, the Spanish government, employers’ organisations and trade unions once again attempted to resume social dialogue.But negotiations broke down. The 1994 reform of the Workers’ Statute legalised temporary employment agencies, which sought to provide a flexible workforce to meet temporary employment needs. The reform was passed without proper dialogue, and with the sole support of the Socialist Party (PSOE) and the parliamentary right. Once again, social discontent led to a general strike in January 1994.The strike was called by the CCOO and the UGT, to protest against measures that made it easier for companies to hire and fire workers, as well as the widespread use of fixed-term contracts. Although turnout was lower than in 1988, there was widespread participation in the industrial sector and public transport. However, the government maintained the core elements of the reform, and the industrial action cemented the rift between the PSOE and the mainstream trade unions.The 1997 labour reform, spearheaded by José María Aznar’s rightwing government and endorsed by the country’s largest employers’ organisation, as well as the CCOO and UGT, marked a turning point in the labour market. The agreement made temporary employment less common by creating a new model of permanent contract for new recruits, with lower severance pay set at 33 days per year worked, up to a maximum of 24 monthly payments.Strikes in the 21st centuryIn May 2002, the Aznar government passed further labour market reforms, this time without prior agreement with the trade unions. The reforms mostly amended the unemployment benefit system.The CCOO and the UGT called a general strike on June 20, 2002, on the grounds that the reforms made it easier and cheaper to dismiss staff, and that they cut workers’ rights and benefits. The strike had a major political impact. Once it was over, the government began negotiations and eventually amended some of the most controversial aspects of the reform. Leer más: Unions have been in decline in the UK for 50 years. A new law could begin to reverse that trend In 2006, unions, employers’ associations and the government, now led by the PSOE under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, agreed on a new labour market reform aimed at reducing temporary employment and increasing permanent contracts. However, from 2010 onward, the financial crisis forced the government to implement a set of austerity measures which led to a reduction in civil servants’ salaries, a freeze on pensions, and public investment cuts. Against this political backdrop, a new labour reform was passed in June 2010.The CCOO and UGT called a general strike on September 29, 2010, to oppose labour market liberalisation driven by the new reform. The strike was also a protest against the austerity policies imposed by the European Commission and international markets, and subsequently implemented by the Zapatero government. Participation in this strike was uneven, and the government did not withdraw any of the measures it had proposed. Months later, Prime Minister Zapatero called a general election for December 2011, which Mariano Rajoy of the rightwing People’s Party (PP) would go on to win.Reforms and European bailoutsThe Rajoy government’s 2012 labour reform made major changes to Spain’s labour legislation, at a very complex political juncture. In 2012, the Spanish economy came under Eurogroup oversight. This was a condition of the Spanish banking sector’s bailout, which took the form of a loan of up to 100 billion euros. Signs and stickers advertising the general strike of November 14, 2012 in Valladolid. Gallowolf/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY However, this reform was not only a consequence of the financial crisis. It also responded to employers’ organisations, who were keen to blame the Spanish labour market’s woes on “excessive” regulation of recruitment and the “extreme” rigidity of dismissal processes.In response, the CCOO and UGT called for two general strikes in 2012: one on March 29, and another on November 14. The aim was to pressure the Government into reversing the 2012 reform’s harshest measures, particularly those that made it easier to dismiss workers and reduce their wages. Although turnout was very high, the reform was not repealed. The strikes marked the peak of social discontent during the 2008–2015 crisis.November 2026: the housing strikeUnder the Zapatero and Rajoy governments, the severe financial crisis and resulting austerity policies caused collective bargaining to break down. But Pedro Sánchez’s government – from 2018 up to the present – has managed to re-establish dialogue with trade unions on a wide range of issues. These included job quality (higher wages, less temporary employment, better training), Temporary Employment Regulation Schemes during the COVID pandemic, raising the the minimum wage, improvements to pensions, and the 2022 labour reform. This political dynamic explains the absence of general strikes during the Sánchez years, and represents a marked break from previous governments.However, in the wake of the pandemic, difficulty in accessing housing has become one of the biggest problems facing Spanish society. The sharp rise in demand resulting from rapid population growth, combined with insufficient supply and intense market speculation, has driven a sharp rise in prices. Affordable housing is now practically non-existent in Spain.The November 11 general strike must be understood in this context. It was called by the national confederation of Tenants’ Unions and supported by the CCOO and the UGT. Its core aim is to raise awareness – among political leaders and the public – of a social crisis that is preventing young people from living a dignified life.Even before it began, this strike is already a significant historical event. It marks Spain’s first major general strike that was not called in opposition to labour market reform or a policy of pay cuts. Instead, it challenges spiralling house prices, and the extreme difficulty that young Spaniards face in becoming independent. A weekly e-mail in English featuring expertise from scholars and researchers. It provides an introduction to the diversity of research coming out of the continent and considers some of the key issues facing European countries. Get the newsletter!Víctor Climent Sanjuán no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.