袁莉2026年7月28日Halfway through a short speech he was giving at the German Bundestag, Zhang Yabo began to choke back tears.在德国联邦议院发表的简短演讲进行到一半时，张亚博开始强忍泪水。Mr. Zhang had served for nine years as a police officer in Xinjiang, an enforcer in China’s campaign to surveil, detain and indoctrinate that region’s Uyghur population. At the campaign’s height, an estimated one million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities were held in internment camps.张亚博曾在新疆当了九年警察，是中国对该地区维吾尔人口实施监视、拘禁和思想灌输运动的执行者。在这场运动的最高潮，据估计有100万维吾尔及其他穆斯林少数民族被关押在拘禁营中。Tens of thousands of police officers carried out China’s state oppression in Xinjiang, but Mr. Zhang is a rare voice speaking out about it. Standing before German lawmakers and human rights activists in June, he described Xinjiang as a giant prison enclosed by an “ironclad wall.” “That wall imprisoned not only countless innocent Uyghurs,” he said, “but also the souls of those ordered to enforce it.”数以万计的警察在新疆执行中国的国家压迫政策，但张亚博是极少数站出来发声的人之一。今年6月，站在德国议员和人权活动人士面前，他将新疆描述为一座被“铁壁”包围的巨大监狱。“那堵墙不仅囚禁了无数无辜的维吾尔人，”他说，“也囚禁了那些奉命执行者们的灵魂。”Mr. Zhang related the pressure of participating in China’s security apparatus: endless shifts, sleeping in the office and constant fear of punishment. After he requested asylum in Germany last summer, Chinese authorities froze his bank accounts, he said, branded him a traitor and harassed his family.张亚博讲述了在中国安全机构工作面临的压力：无休止的倒班、睡在办公室，以及对受罚的持续恐惧。他说，自去年夏天他在德国申请庇护后，中国当局冻结了他的银行账户，给他贴上了叛徒的标签，并骚扰他的家人。By the end of the speech, he was sobbing “like a child,” he later told me. He hurried from the room and did not return.他后来告诉我，在演讲结束时，他哭得“像个孩子”。他匆忙离开了房间，没有再回来。“All the pressure, all the fear, all the emotions that he had carried with him” seemed to break loose, said Adrian Zenz, a Xinjiang expert who attended Mr. Zhang’s speech, “like a huge dam holding back a huge amount of water.”“他身上背负的所有压力、所有恐惧、所有情绪”似乎都在那一刻爆发了，出席了张亚博演讲的新疆问题专家郑国恩(Adrian Zenz)说。“就像一座挡住巨量洪水的大坝决堤了一样。”Mr. Zhang’s account of his time in Xinjiang corroborates what has long been documented about the Chinese Communist Party’s brutal repression of the Uyghurs while adding detail and an inside perspective to that record. It also reveals what an ordinary man pursuing upward mobility could gain, and lose, by helping to carry out those repressive policies.张亚博对他在新疆经历的描述印证了长期以来有关中国共产党残酷镇压维吾尔人的记录，也为这一记录增添了细节和内部视角。这也揭示出，在协助执行这些镇压政策的过程中，一个追求社会地位提升的普通人会得到什么，又会失去什么。Mr. Zhang provided extensive documentation of his service history, including copies of his police identification and pay and social security records, as well as photos of him at interrogations and political propaganda sessions. But I could not corroborate exactly what he did or did not do in Xinjiang; I relied on his telling of the story, and there may have been things he did not share.张亚博提供了关于其服役历史的大量文件证明，包括他的警察身份证明、工资和社会保障记录的复印件，以及他在审讯和政治宣传会议上的照片。但我无法确切证实他在新疆到底做了什么或没做什么；我只能依赖于他的叙述，而且他可能还有所隐瞒。The Chinese government denies committing human rights abuses in Xinjiang, describing the camps as vocational training centers created to combat terrorism and religious extremism. It says the centers were closed in 2019.中国政府否认在新疆侵犯人权，称这些营地是为打击恐怖主义和宗教极端主义而设立的职业培训中心。中国政府表示这些中心已于2019年关闭。With China’s record of retaliating against citizens in exile, Mr. Zhang has shown considerable courage in coming forward as a witness to injustice. But he is asking for something more than praise; he wants to be recognized as a victim himself — a victim of the apparatus he participated in for nearly a decade.鉴于中国有报复流亡公民的记录，张亚博站出来指证不公展现出了极大的勇气。但他所寻求的不仅仅是赞誉，他希望自己也能被承认为受害者——一个他参与了近十年的国家机器的受害者。A Grim Path Out of Poverty摆脱贫困的艰难之路For Mr. Zhang, moving to Xinjiang, and later joining its police force, offered a way to move up in the world. Born in 1986 into a poor rural Han Chinese family, Mr. Zhang lived in a village in central Henan Province that did not have electricity until he was 8. He moved to Xinjiang for college in 2006 and stayed to teach mathematics at a rural primary school. He married a woman from his home province, and they had a son in 2011.对张亚博来说，搬到新疆、随后加入当地警察队伍为他提供了一条往上爬的出路。他1986年出生于一个贫困的汉族农村家庭，生活在河南省中部的一个村庄里，那里直到他八岁时才通上电。他于2006年前往新疆读大学，毕业后留在一所乡村小学教数学。他与一位来自老家省份的女子结婚，两人于2011年生下一个儿子。In late 2014, he left teaching for better pay as a guard at a detention center in the Hotan region, where about 90 percent of the population was Uyghur. His monthly wages rose to about $650, from $400 as a teacher.2014年底，为了获得更高的薪酬，他辞去教职，到和田地区的一家拘禁中心担任看守，和田地区约90%的人口是维吾尔族。他的月薪从当老师时的约400美元涨到了约650美元。For nearly two years, he said, his duties included monitoring surveillance footage, distributing food and medicine and gathering incriminating information from detainees, most of them Uyghurs. He heard screams from the interrogation rooms and saw detainees beaten up and deprived of sleep. He sometimes found broken batons when picking up the detainees. At the time, he said, he accepted the government’s claims that the men being interrogated were terrorists and separatists.他说，近两年里，他的职责包括监控录像、分发食物和药品，以及收集被拘禁者（其中大多数是维吾尔人）的罪证。他听到过审讯室里传出的尖叫声，看到过被拘禁者遭到殴打和被剥夺睡眠。去提审被拘禁者时，他有时会发现打断的警棍。他说，在当时，他接受了政府的说法，认为那些被审讯的人都是恐怖分子和分裂分子。Seeking even higher pay and greater social status, Mr. Zhang took the civil service exam and formally joined the police force in late 2016 just as Beijing was about to intensify its mass detention campaign in Xinjiang. He was proud of his uniform, he said, and his monthly pay rose to about $900.为了寻求更高的薪水和更高的社会地位，张亚博参加了公务员考试，在2016年底正式加入警察队伍，当时北京正准备加强在新疆的大规模拘禁运动。他说，他为自己的制服感到自豪，并且他的月薪增加到了约900美元。In early 2017, Chen Quanguo, the new Communist Party secretary of Xinjiang, called for a “smashing, obliterating offensive,” including, according to leaked government documents, the detention of anyone who displayed “symptoms” of religious radicalism or antigovernment views. Those symptoms could be the wearing of long beards, studying Arabic and praying.2017年初，新疆维吾尔自治区新任党委书记陈全国呼吁发起一场“粉碎性打击、毁灭性打击”。根据泄露的政府文件，这包括拘留任何表现出宗教激进主义或反政府观点“症状”的人。这些症状可能包括留长胡须、学习阿拉伯语和祈祷。Mr. Zhang took part in nighttime raids on Uyghur homes to confiscate Qurans and other religious items. “I was usually the first to charge in,” he recalled. “I believed they were bad people. That was what had been drilled into us at the time, that they were all bad people.”张亚博参与了夜间突袭维吾尔人家庭没收《古兰经》和其他宗教物品的行动。“我通常是第一个冲进去的，”他回忆道。“我相信他们是坏人。那是当时灌输给我们的思想，认为他们都是坏人。”For much of 2017, Mr. Zhang traveled in bus convoys transporting hundreds, and sometimes thousands, of Uyghur detainees to prisons across Xinjiang, which is nearly four times the size of California. The detainees were handcuffed, hooded and ordered to use plastic buckets as toilets during the journey. Mr. Zhang distributed bread and water.在2017年的大部分时间里，张亚博跟随大巴车队，将数百名、有时甚至数千名维吾尔人运送到新疆各地的监狱（新疆的面积几乎是加利福尼亚州的四倍）。在旅途中，被拘禁者被戴上手铐、套上头罩，并被命令使用塑料桶作为厕所。张亚博负责向他们分发面包和水。“My job was serving the passengers on the bus,” he said.“我的工作就是为车上的人服务，”他说。In late 2018, when he was assigned to a police station, he began to grow despondent. His colleagues brought in Uyghur prisoners at all hours, he said, and he was responsible for searching them and helping determine where they would be sent. His sleep was constantly interrupted, and his superiors were short-tempered.2018年底，他被分配到一个派出所后逐渐开始感到沮丧。他说，他的同事随时都会带入维吾尔囚犯，而他负责对囚犯进行搜身，并协助决定将他们送往哪里。他的睡眠经常被打断，上司的脾气也很暴躁。He was pleased to be briefly reassigned to supervise about 3,000 Uyghur laborers who had been sent to pick cotton for Han Chinese farmers. They rose at 5 a.m., traveled for hours to the cotton fields and were not returned to their dormitories until late at night.他很高兴能被短暂调走，去监督大约3000名被派去为汉族农民摘棉花的维吾尔劳工。他们清晨5点起床，乘车数小时前往棉花田，直到深夜才被送回宿舍。For Mr. Zhang, it was a nice break. His main task was to make sure no one ran away or prayed.对张亚博来说，这是一次很好的喘息机会。他的主要任务是确保没有人逃跑或祈祷。He learned of the international criticism of forced labor in Xinjiang through statements by China’s foreign ministry and accepted the government’s claim that the accusations were false and intended to vilify China. “I didn’t think much about it,” he said. “I never paused to consider whether it was true or not.”他通过中国外交部的声明了解到了国际社会对新疆强迫劳动的批评，并接受了政府的说法，即这些指控是虚假的，意在抹黑中国。“我没有想太多，”他说。“我从未停下来思考这是不是真的。”张亚博将新疆的这场运动视为一道高墙，囚禁着“那些奉命执行该运动的人们的灵魂”。 Felix Schmitt for The New York TimesPrivilege and Punishment特权与惩罚For years, Mr. Zhang largely accepted the orders he was given. But during the pandemic, governmental coercion began to feel personal. He said he had once been confined for about 10 days inside a village police post and, after a work trip, quarantined for nearly a month in an abandoned police station. “The pandemic was more painful because it involved me personally,” he said.多年来，张亚博在很大程度上接受了上级下达给他的命令。但在疫情期间，政府的强制措施开始让他有了切肤之痛。他说，他曾在一个村庄的警务室里被限制了大约10天，一次出差后，又在一个废弃的派出所里被隔离了近一个月。“疫情令人更加痛苦，因为它直接关系到我个人，”他说。In August 2021, he was assigned to Yurushikai, a village of about 1,700 Uyghurs. About 40 percent of the adults in the village had spent time in internment camps, and some 100 were still serving time in jail, which meant that some households consisted of only children and grandparents. It was Mr. Zhang’s job, with the help of two Uyghur assistants, to investigate reports of people praying at home or missing the weekly national flag-raising ceremony or even jogging or exercising.2021年8月，他被派往约有1700名维吾尔人的玉如什开村。村里约40%的成年人曾在拘禁营里待过，约100人仍在服刑，这意味着有些家庭里只剩下孩子和祖父母。在两名维吾尔助手的帮助下，张亚博的工作是调查在家中祈祷、缺席每周升国旗仪式、未能参加强制性中文课程，甚至未参加慢跑或锻炼的举报。The government’s surveillance system generated automatic alerts for “abnormal” activity. If a household’s electricity use rose, he said, the officers would visit and ask what had kept the family awake.政府的监控系统会对“异常”活动自动生成警报。他说，如果一户人家的用电量增加，警察就会上门询问这家人为什么熬夜。Police work brought Mr. Zhang money, status and privileges: expedited treatment at hospitals, free parking. By 2023, his monthly take-home pay had risen to about $1,250.警察工作给张亚博带来了金钱、地位和特权：在医院享受优先治疗、免费停车。到2023年，他每月的税后收入已升至约1250美元。But within the police hierarchy, he said, he was disposable. Superiors routinely insulted officers, calling them donkeys that needed to be whipped to work, Mr. Zhang said. After he missed a walkie-talkie call in December of his first year in the village, a superior punished him with 72 hours of continuous duty at a road checkpoint in freezing conditions without adequate clothing.但他说，在警察等级制度中，他是一个可有可无的消耗品。张亚博说，上级经常侮辱警员，称他们为需要被鞭打才会干活的驴。在他到村里工作第一年的12月，因为漏接了一个对讲机呼叫，一位上司惩罚他在寒冷的天气中在一个道路检查站连续值班72小时，而且没有足够御寒衣物。The overtime was relentless, and he was separated from his family for long periods. He had not celebrated Lunar New Year with his parents since 2017 and was denied leave for his sister’s wedding. On average, he could visit his wife and his son once a month.加班任务接踵而至，他长期与家人分离。自2017年以来，他就没有和父母一起过过春节，请假参加姐妹婚礼的申请也被拒绝。平均下来，他每个月只能见妻儿一次。There were also quotas to meet. Starting in 2023, he was required to produce one lead a week that could be used to justify a detention. Mr. Zhang said he had frequently failed to hit the quota and had to submit self-criticism reports and work 24-hour shifts as punishment. Working closely with the villagers began to challenge the stereotypes he had absorbed about Uyghurs. He became increasingly reluctant to enter their homes or search their private communications, even as he continued to carry out the surveillance his job required.此外，还有必须要完成的指标。从2023年开始，他被要求每周提供一条可以作为拘禁依据的线索。张亚博说，他经常不能完成指标，不得不提交检讨书，惩罚是24小时连轴工作。与村民的密切接触开始挑战他此前吸收的关于维吾尔人的刻板印象。他变得越来越不愿意进入村民的家中或搜查他们的私人通信，尽管他仍在继续执行其工作所要求的监控。在警队任职为张亚博带来了更高的薪水和更多福利。Self Re-education自我再教育By September 2023, Mr. Zhang left his post.到2023年9月，张亚博再也无法忍受了，于是辞职。He moved to Guangzhou in southern China to study English, hoping eventually to study abroad. He began using a VPN to get around China’s internet firewall. The first subjects he searched were “Xinjiang” and “Chen Quanguo,” the name of the region’s hard-line former party secretary. He could not believe, he said, that the facilities where he had worked, known to him as “re-education centers” and “vocational training centers,” were described online as concentration camps. Until then, he had encountered the term only in movies about World War II.他搬到中国南方城市广州，在那里学英语，希望最终能出国留学。他开始使用VPN绕过中国的互联网防火墙。他最先搜索的两个词是“新疆”和“陈全国”——后者是该地区前强硬派党委书记的名字。他说，他无法相信，自己曾工作过的那些被他称为“再教育中心”和“职业培训中心”的设施在网上竟被描述为集中营。在那之前，他只在有关二战的电影中见过这个词。“What I found gave me terrible headaches: One side of my head said one thing, and the other said something completely different,” he said. “The conflicting accounts battled in my mind, and I couldn’t sleep at night.”“我查到的信息让我头疼欲裂：我脑子里的一边说着一件事，另一边却说着完全相反的东西，”他说。“两种截然不同的说法在我脑海里交战，我夜不能寐。”After officially resigning in early 2024, feeling wounded and in need of solace and strength, he turned to faith. He had found peace in a book about Bible stories that he had read to his son at bedtime, and in April 2025, Mr. Zhang was baptized as a Catholic in Guangzhou. Four months later, he joined a European tour with his 14-year-old son. He had already decided that if he could get away from the group, he would seek asylum.在2024年初正式辞职后，他内心受创，急需慰藉与力量，于是转向了宗教信仰。他在一本睡前给儿子读的圣经故事书中找到了平静。2025年4月，张先生在广州受洗成为天主教徒。四个月后，他带着14岁的儿子参加了一次欧洲旅行。他早已决定，如果能脱团，就去寻求庇护。As their tour group entered Neuschwanstein Castle, the Bavarian palace that inspired Disney’s Sleeping Beauty Castle, Mr. Zhang and his son sneaked away. They traveled to Munich and went to the headquarters of the World Uyghur Congress, an advocacy group whose name Mr. Zhang had heard many times in Xinjiang, told it was a separatist terrorist organization.当他们的旅行团进入新天鹅堡——这座巴伐利亚宫殿是迪士尼睡美人城堡的蓝本——张亚博和儿子悄悄溜走了。他们前往慕尼黑，去了世界维吾尔代表大会。张亚博在新疆曾多次听说过这个倡导组织的名字，据称那是一个分裂主义恐怖组织。He has applied for asylum and lives in a shelter in southern Germany, where his son is staying at a foster facility not far away. Over a dinner of pasta, the 15-year-old told me that he missed Xinjiang’s spicy stir-fried rice noodles. Mr. Zhang’s wife remains in Xinjiang, and the couple have filed for divorce.他已经申请了庇护，现住在德国南部的一处收容所里，他的儿子则住在附近的寄养机构，就读于一所德国学校。一次晚餐吃意大利面时，这个15岁的男孩告诉我，他很想念新疆的爆辣炒米粉。张亚博的妻子仍在新疆，两人已提出离婚。Mr. Zhang now spends his time speaking with academics, journalists and human rights groups to document how the persecution of Uyghurs was carried out.张亚博现在把时间都花在与学者、记者和人权组织交流上，记录对维吾尔人的迫害是如何实施的。“Of the millions of Chinese police officers, he is the only one who has come forward to speak the truth,” said Haiyuer Kuerban, an official at the World Uyghur Congress who has been helping Mr. Zhang settle in Germany. He said his organization had initially viewed Mr. Zhang with deep skepticism, but that its doubts had begun to ease after reviewing his documents.“在中国数百万警察中，他是唯一一个站出来说出真相的人，”帮助张亚博在德国安顿下来的世界维吾尔代表负责人之一海玉尔·库尔班表示。他说，他的组织最初对张亚博深表怀疑，但在审阅了他的文件后，疑虑开始逐渐消散。Mr. Zenz, the Xinjiang expert who is director of China studies at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, a nonprofit organization in Washington, said Mr. Zhang supplied “the ground-level reality of what we had mostly inferred” from government documents, state media reports and survivor testimony.华盛顿非营利组织“共产主义受难者纪念基金会”中国研究主任、新疆问题专家郑国恩表示，张亚博提供了“我们此前主要”从政府文件、官方媒体报道和幸存者证词中“推断出的基层现实情况。张亚博于2025年接受洗礼成为天主教徒的照片。Bjorn Alpermann, a China scholar at the University of Würzburg who has interviewed Mr. Zhang extensively, said his account offered unusually granular evidence of how repression continued after the height of the mass-internment campaign and became “routinized” in village life.维尔茨堡大学研究中国问题的学者安晓波(Björn Alpermann)曾对张亚博进行过深入的采访，他说，对方的陈述提供了非同寻常的具体细节，说明在大规模拘禁运动的高潮过后，镇压是如何继续存在并在乡村生活中变得“常规化”。But people who have worked with Mr. Zhang in Germany told me that we knew only what he wanted us to know and that he probably knew more than he shared.然而，曾在德国与张亚博共事过的人告诉我，我们只了解他愿意让我们知道的部分，而他掌握的情况很可能远多于他所透露的。He remembers the forms he filled out, the orders he followed and the humiliations he endured in vivid detail, but is fuzzier on the worst abuses. He described hearing screams and seeing detainees after interrogations but offered fewer details about death, sexual violence and torture in detention facilities. He insisted he had been honest and forthcoming.他清晰生动地记得他填写过的表格、执行过的命令以及他所承受过的屈辱，但对于最严重的虐待问题却记忆模糊。他描述过听到惨叫声，也谈到审讯后看到被拘押者的情形，但对于拘留设施内的死亡、性暴力和酷刑等细节则提供得较少。他坚称自己一直是诚实和坦率的。He also wants the world to recognize what he endured.他也希望世界承认他作为一名基层警员所遭受的苦难。“My suffering was equal to, or in some respects greater than, that of the Uyghurs,” he told me repeatedly. “Why don’t you journalists write about me? Why do you only focus on the Uyghurs?”“我的苦难与维吾尔人相当，甚至在某些方面更为深重，”他反复对我说，“你们记者为什么不写写我？为什么只关注维吾尔人？”Han Chinese officers, of course, were not forced to abandon their language or culture and, however difficult it might be, they could leave the police or Xinjiang. They were not subject to arbitrary detention, forced labor or torture. They would not be considered potential terrorists for playing basketball or doing push-ups.当然，汉族警察并没有被迫放弃自己的语言或文化，而且无论多么困难，他们都可以离开警队或离开新疆。他们不会遭受任意拘押、强迫劳动或酷刑。他们也不会因为打篮球或做俯卧撑就被视为潜在的恐怖嫌疑人。“No matter how much you suffer at work, you can still go home, eat a good meal, and imagine a future,” said Mr. Kuerban, the Uyghur activist. “You do not live with the constant, paralyzing fear that something you said 10 years ago will make you disappear tomorrow.”“无论你在工作中受了多少苦，你终究可以回家，好好吃顿饭，想象一个未来，”维吾尔活动人士库尔班说。“你不会生活在持续的、令人窒息的恐惧中——担心你10年前说过的话会让你明天就消失。”Still, Mr. Zhang’s experience showed how inhumanely the system treated its own operatives, Mr. Alpermann said. And for Mr. Zhang, leaving China and speaking publicly was itself a way of confronting the system.安晓波说，尽管如此，张亚博觉得受到虐待的经历表明，该系统对待内部的工作人员是多么的不人道。而对于像张亚博这样低级别的警员来说，离开中国并公开发声本身就是对抗该系统的一种方式。Mr. Zhang insisted that he had never personally tortured or mistreated any Uyghurs. He described himself as a small cog in the state machinery who filled out forms, guarded facilities and handled logistics. Responsibility lay with senior officials and with the Uyghur police assistants who, he said, carried out many of the most direct and abusive tasks. Low-level Han Chinese police officers like him, he insisted, were innocent.张亚博坚称，他本人从未对任何维吾尔人实施过酷刑或虐待。他形容自己只是国家机器中的一个小齿轮，负责填写表格、看守设施和处理后勤事务。他表示，责任在于上级和维吾尔族辅警，是后者执行了许多最直接、最粗暴的任务。他坚称，像他这样的底层汉族警察是无辜的。It is unclear whether Mr. Zhang’s self-exoneration is a form of self-protection, an inability to bear what a fuller recognition would mean or simply a habit of mind formed by years inside the system. Mr. Kuerban said he did not believe the blindness was deliberate. After repeatedly pressing Mr. Zhang, I had come to a similar conclusion: He seemed genuinely unable to see his role in the wider context of the immense injustice inflicted on the Uyghurs.目前尚不清楚张亚博的自辩清白到底是一种自我保护，还是因为无法承受更充分地承认事实所意味的后果，抑或仅仅是多年在体制内形成的一种思维习惯。库尔班表示，他不相信这种无视是故意的。在反复追问张亚博之后，我也得出了类似的结论：在维吾尔人遭受巨大不公这一更广阔背景下，他似乎真的无法看清自己所扮演的角色。His struggle also reflected the country he came from, where the state has suppressed public memory of the Great Famine, the Cultural Revolution and the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown. Unlike Germany, where there has been decades of reckoning with Nazi complicity, China provides little space for sustained debate about complicity, guilt and responsibility.他的挣扎也折射出他背后那个国家的真实状况，在那里，官方长期压制公众对大饥荒、文化大革命和1989年天安门镇压事件的记忆。与德国数十年来一直在清算纳粹帮凶不同，中国几乎没有为围绕帮凶、罪行和责任进行持续性的公共讨论留下空间。Working inside an abusive system did not automatically make someone a monster, Mr. Kuerban said. But neither did performing a minor function, or not personally carrying out the worst abuses, eliminate responsibility.库尔班说，在一个暴虐的系统内工作并不会自动地把人变成怪物。但只承担次要职责、没有亲身实施最严重的虐待行为亦不能免责。Mr. Zhang said his faith had taught him that his responsibility now was to speak out.张亚博表示，他的信仰告诉他，自己现在的责任就是公开发声。“If you stay silent,” he said at the end of his Bundestag speech, “you’re part of the problem.”他在德国联邦议院演讲的结尾说道：“如果保持沉默，你就是问题的一部分。”袁莉为《纽约时报》撰写“新新世界”专栏，专注中国及亚洲科技、商业和政治交叉议题。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。