5 min readAug 29, 2026 01:33 PM IST First published on: Aug 29, 2026 at 01:33 PM ISTPrime Minister Modi’s visits to Tashkent for a bilateral meeting and to Bishkek for the SCO Summit will provide another valuable opportunity to reassess India’s Central Asia strategy, its engagement with the SCO, and its broader outreach to Eurasia. His interactions with other Eurasian leaders under the broader framework of the “Shanghai Spirit” could also help set the stage for substantive discussions at the upcoming BRICS Summit in New Delhi. Over the past three decades, India has sought to deepen its engagement with this extended neighbourhood, but the outcomes have fallen considerably short of expectations.The reasons are well known. Difficult relations with Pakistan and prolonged instability in Afghanistan have severely constrained direct connectivity, leaving many of India’s ambitions for commercial and energy partnerships unrealised. Connectivity alternatives through Iran have also faced difficulties due to sanctions and other constraints.AdvertisementAlso Read | C Raja Mohan writes: India’s Central Asia strategy needs less romance, more realismThe initial discourse on the region was largely shaped by Central Asian geopolitics, the notion of a “New Great Game,” oil and gas deals, and competing pipeline routes. This was later complemented by the US “New Silk Road” strategy, which envisaged connecting Central Asia with South Asia through Afghanistan. Concerns over rising religious fundamentalism, instability in Afghanistan and China’s growing profile in the region further heightened India’s strategic interest.To strengthen institutional linkages, New Delhi has established strategic partnerships with all Central Asian countries except Turkmenistan. In 2012, India also announced its 12-point “Connect Central Asia” policy, signalling a more proactive and comprehensive approach towards the region. This was followed by Modi’s landmark visit to all five Central Asian republics in 2015. In 2017, India also became a full member of the SCO. More recently, India has sought to deepen its engagement through the India-Central Asia Dialogue, conducted at the level of foreign ministers. Despite these ambitions and sustained efforts, however, India remains a relatively marginal player in the region.India’s foreign policy, which in recent years has largely been shaped by the Indo-Pacific narrative, may now need to devote greater attention to the Eurasian continent. As Central Asia becomes increasingly cohesive, the situation in West Asia continues to evolve, and India’s relations within South Asia undergo significant changes, New Delhi needs to reassess its approach to the SCO. The SCO is the only multilateral platform that brings together the countries of Central and South Asia, as well as Iran. Even after becoming a full member in 2017, India has remained uncertain about the priority it should accord to the SCO. With several geopolitical “resets” now underway, this should change.AdvertisementSince Prime Minister Modi participated in the Tianjin summit last year, several positive developments have taken place in India-China relations, including the latest eight-point consensus on the boundary issue. At Tianjin last year, leaders adopted the SCO Development Strategy 2035. Security has also remained one of the major issues within the SCO’s agenda. Although the organisation has expanded to ten members and fifteen dialogue partners, its core remains Central Asia. Its earlier incarnation, the Shanghai Five, was established to promote peace and stability in Eurasia, with a particular emphasis on resolving border disputes through mutual trust among its members. The SCO provided China, Russia and the Central Asian states with a delicate equilibrium amid shifting geopolitical influences across Eurasia. India was never part of this original balance, although the Central Asian states recognised its potential as a countervailing force.This is precisely where India needs to become more proactive. In the past, India’s engagement often involved trading subtle barbs with China and Pakistan over terrorism and the adverse implications of China’s connectivity projects. Indian policymakers also repeatedly highlighted the SCO’s core objective of combating the “three evils” of terrorism, separatism and extremism. These issues have been shaped by India’s strained relations with Beijing and China’s support for Pakistan. With the broader geopolitical environment changing, India now has an opportunity to move beyond this approach and pursue a more substantive role within the SCO.you may likeThe main theme of the 26th meeting in Bishkek is peace, development and prosperity. As per the official release, the PM is likely to focus on connectivity and security in the region. With the focus on resetting ties with China, it might be useful for India to propose ambitious regional projects in energy, trade, and connectivity. This is important as Central Asia is finally integrating and almost all SCO members are now engaging with Kabul.A proactive and constructive Indian agenda at Bishkek could also enhance the prospects for a successful BRICS summit, reinforce the India-China reset, and deepen India’s engagement with the Eurasian Economic Union. This may also help navigate the next SCO presidency under Pakistan.The writer is Professor and Jean Monnet Chair at the Centre for European Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University