On February 17, the newly elected members to Bangladesh’s Parliament took their oaths of office, with Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) chief Tarique Rahman being sworn in as the new Prime Minister. The February 12 general elections were accompanied by a simultaneous referendum on an ambitious constitutional reforms charter drawn up by the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government.Almost all of Bangladesh’s political parties had accepted the charter, but to varying degrees.With around 70% of Bangladesh’s electorate voting “yes” to this document, called the July National Charter, the 300 new MPs were also assigned a second oath for the new Constitutional Reform Council. But the 208 MPs of the victorious BNP refused to take the second oath, arguing that there was no provision for such a council in the existing Constitution. The Opposition Jamaat-e-Islami (69 seats) and the National Citizens Party (six seats) criticised the BNP’s refusal and deemed the second pledge imperative for constitutional reforms. The charter, about half of whose 80 proposed reforms are constitutional in nature, is a key part of Bangladesh’s journey towards a reformed polity. The rift at the very beginning of this path raises questions about the BNP’s outlook towards these proposed reforms.The July National Charter was unveiled in October 2025. Broadly, both the BNP and the Jamaat agree on its broad sectors of reform — judicial, electoral, constitutional and anti-corruption. They also agree on specific reforms, especially those which reflect lessons from the Sheikh Hasina era. Story continues below this adThese include greater checks on Prime Ministerial authority to declare an emergency, the expansion of Bangladesh’s fundamental principles of state policy, progressive expansion of women’s Parliamentary representation as well as a reaffirmation of Bangladesh’s multi-cultural and multi-ethnic identity. Both favour a 10-year term limit for the Prime Minister and agree to restore the caretaker government system to oversee elections, which was abolished by Hasina in 2011.Also read | In Bangladesh, strains from the past shape its presentBut the charter’s text also contains dissent notes from parties on specific proposals. While the Jamaat has unconditionally supported most of the charter, the BNP’s multiple dissent notes, combined with its 2026 manifesto, indicate how the party will approach the implementation and set the stage for a future contestation with the Jamaat.For specific reforms on which parties disagree, the charter’s framework includes a crucial clause – that “if any political party secures a public mandate based on explicit mention” of that party’s position on any issue in their manifesto, then “they may proceed accordingly with necessary measures”.Story continues below this adThis clause effectively de-prioritises the charter’s recommendations. The BNP has relied significantly on it to differ on key reforms which the Jamaat backs. The areas of divergenceAll parties agree on the need for an upper house, proposed in the charter. But for upper house membership, the BNP has long preferred representation that is proportionate to a party’s seat share in the elected lower house. In contrast, the Jamaat/NCP combine has consistently favoured representation proportionate to each party’s vote share to enable Parliamentary diversity. These positions were prescient. In the 2026 polls, the Jamaat secured 22.7% of elected seats, but nearly 32% of the total vote. Story continues below this adOn legislation, too, the BNP wants the upper house’s role restricted to Bills other than constitutional amendments, money Bills, confidence votes and national security Bills. The Jamaat supports the charter’s proposal that all Bills (except money Bills and confidence votes) be approved by the upper house. The July charter recommends that constitutional amendments (excluding provisions which require a national referendum) require a two-thirds majority in the lower house, and a majority in the new upper house. The BNP supports the former, but opposes any constitutional role for the upper house in the amendment process. The Jamaat-led parties support it unconditionally. Similarly, the Jamaat supports the charter’s proposal to expand Presidential powers, such as empowering the President to make key constitutional appointments without cabinet advice (Bangladesh Bank Governor, National Human Rights Commission and Information Commission Chairpersons, etc.). The BNP’s manifesto rejects this proposal and makes such appointments subject to government approval.Also read | Best of Both Sides | After Bangladesh elections, neither Delhi or Dhaka should expect too much too quicklyThe Jamaat supports the charter’s recommendation that the Prime Minister cannot simultaneously hold other political positions. Here, too, BNP’s dissent note leverages the fact that the party’s manifesto will take precedence, with Tarique Rahman serving both as party chief and Prime Minister. Story continues below this adIn the case of judiciary reforms, the BNP and Jamaat agree on its need but differ on specific issues such as the selection of Supreme Court judges. The Jamaat backs the JNC’s recommendation for a Judicial Appointments Commission. But the BNP asserts in its dissent note that a separate law shall be enacted regarding the appointment of Supreme Court judges. The party’s manifesto bears no mention of the Commission, leaving the BNP to draft its own law for Parliament with or without such a new body. Rocky road to reformThe July National Charter referendum came in for criticism, including from the BNP, over its lack of nuance. Voters were given a blanket “yes” or “no” choice for a document that proposes at least 80 constitutional and legal changes.But the party is also cognisant that the February 2026 polls represented a mandate for reform — not just through the July charter but also its manifesto, which contains its own set of distinct reforms for Bangladesh’s polity. Some aspects of the manifesto, such as reintroducing “Absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah” in the Constitution, do not find a mention in the charter. The BNP’s reforms draw from the July National Charter but prioritise the party’s position. Overall, its approach prioritises governmental and parliamentary (lower house) authority for implementation of key constitutional changes, and largely opposes pre-determined powers assigned to new bodies, posts, or offices. Story continues below this adFor the Jamaat, its unprecedented electoral success has been combined with a historic opportunity to influence Bangladesh’s political landscape at the systemic level. For a party that has always remained at the electoral fringe, this is an opportunity to remodel the political centre. At this delicate moment, the Jamaat is also cognisant of the BNP’s ability to leverage its two-thirds majority in Parliament to dismiss the Jamaat’s advocacy of those charter reforms which it backs. The JNC’s subservience to party manifestoes on key points was a necessary bleeding valve, to ensure that parties do not exit the reform process wholesale in case of specific disagreements. But if the friction over paths is any indicator, Bangladesh’s political parties will possibly struggle with reconciling their independent positions with the July National Charter’s letter, even if they agree in spirit. For both the BNP and Jamaat, the dilemma is to reconcile two variables — near-term political needs to ensure that they can exercise their share of parliamentary (and executive) power after years of AL-led suppression, and long-term apolitical needs to ensure that the country’s polity is more equitable, with a view to restore institutional strength and democratic freedoms, regardless of which political party is electorally dominant at any point.