By Jesús Rodríguez-Espinoza, Steve Lalla, and Sahely Chowdhury – Sep 8, 2025Venezuela has once again been in the international media spotlight due to the US naval deployment in the waters of the southern Caribbean Sea. This military deployment was officially announced by the US on August 14, but had been reported days earlier by the New York Times.Under the guise of fighting drug trafficking and in parallel with the announcement of an increased reward for the capture of President Nicolás Maduro, the US regime has relaunched its “maximum pressure” campaign against Venezuela. The “bounty” on President Maduro has been doubled to US $50 million, and this time around, the US claims that the president of Venezuela is the head of the nonexistent Cartel of the Suns, the defunct Tren de Aragua criminal gang, and even Mexico’s Sinaloa Cartel.In recent times, Venezuela has experienced 17 quarters (more than four years) of uninterrupted economic growth, while in the political arena, the stability of President Maduro’s PSUV party has been strengthened thanks to recent electoral victories, including the presidential election in July 2024. Although the inner workings of the electoral process were questioned due to the lack of detailed results, very few people dispute its outcome, which provided President Maduro his third electoral victory after the passing of President Hugo Chávez.In this context of a relatively stable Chavista revolutionary process, in addition to the unbelievable narrative promoted by the Venezuelan far-right opposition regarding the supposed weakness of the “Maduro regime” for more than two decades, a new imperialist onslaught is occurring as the US, once again, openly seeks to overthrow the government of President Maduro.Brief history of US aggression against the Bolivarian RevolutionThe socialist revolution initiated in Venezuela with the electoral victory of Hugo Chávez in 1998 has been under constant threat, both overt and covert, from US imperialism.The chapters of this imperialist aggression are varied, although very similar, with its local far-right operators carrying out numerous coup attempts. In the book Extraordinary Threat: The US Empire, the Media, and Twenty Years of Coup Attempts in Venezuela, published in 2024, Justin Podur and Joe Emersberger detailed seven coup attempts.A more recent article published by Venezuelan outlet Misión Verdad enumerated the following far-right opposition led violence among over a dozen coup attempts between 2015 and 2020 that we are not showing below:• The 2002 coup against Hugo Chávez;• The oil strike against PDVSA during 2002-2003;• 2004’s violent far-right protests (guarimbas);• 2007 riots;• The guarimbas following the 2013 presidential election;• The guarimbas of the 2014 La Salida (resulting in the flight of coup-plotter Leopoldo López from Venezuela);• Barack Obama’s 2015 executive order, classifying Venezuela as an “unusual and extraordinary threat to US national security” and marking the beginning of the illegal US sanctions;• The attempted assassination of President Maduro in August 2018;• The project wherein Juan Guaidó named himself “interim president” in January 2019;• The attempted forced passage of alleged humanitarian aid from the border with Colombia (Cúcuta) in February 2019;• The failed coup attempt led by Juan Guaidó and Leopoldo López near La Carlota air base in Caracas, in April 2019;• The failed mercenary operation of May 2020 known as Operation Gideon;• Violence (guarimbas) on July 29-30, 2024, following the presidential elections.In recent memory, the most complex and truly destabilizing moments occurred between 2018 and 2019. For many Venezuelans, the violent events of this period constituted a clear threat to Venezuela’s socialist revolution, and many have compared the tension of those years to the external tension generated by the current US imperialist onslaught.Unfortunately, and despite many analysts and commentators speaking of a psychological warfare operation, the facts show that never in the history of Venezuela and never, throughout the constant attempts at “regime change” carried out by the US imperialists, has the country been under such an overt siege by a powerful military or naval force. Following an operational deployment of this caliber, the US administration will not be satisfied unless “results” are shown.The reality of the blatant violations of human rights and international law by the United States in West Asia, Afghanistan, and Iran demonstrates that moral boundaries are nonexistent for this country and its vassals.Facts about US military deployment in the South CaribbeanAccording to information provided by mainstream outlets such as Reuters or Newsweek, the US military deployment consists of eight US warships, one nuclear submarine, more than 1,000 missiles, and 4,500 soldiers. Below, we present the details of each ship:• Destroyers: USS Gravely, USS Jason Dunham, USS Sampson (Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyers).• Amphibious assault ships: USS Iwo Jima (Wasp-class amphibious assault ship), USS San Antonio, and USS Fort Lauderdale (San Antonio-class transport docks).• Support vessels: USS Lake Erie (Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruiser), USS Minneapolis-Saint Paul (Freedom-class littoral combat ship).• Submarine: USS Newport News (Los Angeles-class nuclear-powered fast-attack submarine).• Troop numbers: the deployment includes over 4,500 sailors and marines, with the amphibious ready group carrying 2,500 marines from the 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit.Armaments and offensive capabilities:• Missile systems: Destroyers and cruisers are equipped with Tomahawk cruise missiles (with a range of over 1,000 miles) for land attack and anti-ship operations. Each Arleigh Burke-class destroyer can carry approximately 90 missiles, while the Ticonderoga-class cruiser (USS Lake Erie) can carry approximately 122 missiles. The submarine USS Newport News carries Tomahawk missiles, Harpoon anti-ship missiles, and Mark 48 torpedoes.• Aviation and amphibious assets: The USS Iwo Jima supports AV-8B Harrier II fighters, MV-22B Osprey tiltrotor aircraft, and AH-1Z attack helicopters. Amphibious transport docks (e.g., the USS San Antonio) can launch hovercrafts and landing crafts for beach assaults.• Invasion capabilities: The 22nd MEU is trained for rapid-response amphibious operations, including beach landings and reconnaissance. The force might be capable of conducting precise and limited-scope operations; however, it is insufficient for a full-scale invasion, according to experts.Additionally, after the controversial US strike on an unidentified small boat near Venezuelan shores on September 2, the tensions have increased. Venezuela followed this wanton attack with a flyby of military planes near a US warship. This was announced on Thursday, September 4, by US President Donald Trump. Subsequently, the US announced that it had dispatched 10 F-35s to Puerto Rico, indicating a further escalation.Facts about Venezuela’s responseFacing the imminent threat of aggression, evident not only from the military deployment but also from recurring messages from the White House and the US State Department accusing Venezuela and President Maduro of being the leaders of nonexistent or completely unconnected drug cartels, the Venezuelan government has taken the steps that any responsible state must carry out to ensure its integrity and sovereignty.On August 20, President Maduro announced a special enlistment drive for the national civil militia, which currently has about five million members. Days later, the deployment of 15,000 additional troops was announced in the states of Zulia and Táchira, in the border area affected by drug trafficking from Colombia.The enlistment campaigns demonstrated the cohesion of the Venezuelan people and the support for President Maduro’s government amid internal and external aggression. In every city across the country, photos and videos showed masses of Venezuelan men and women enlisting in the militia. At the same time, the deployment of troops to the country’s maritime regions was announced, although precise details have not been disclosed for obvious reasons.On September 1, President Maduro announced that following the enlistment campaign, the number of citizens enlisted in the militia had risen to about 8.2 million and that special military training exercises would soon begin for these volunteers. He also reported that work is underway to integrate the militia into the communes, the backbone of the communal state that is a substantial part of the Chavista project.President Maduro also announced that in the event of external military aggression, Venezuela would enter a special phase of the people’s liberation war, a plan that has existed for many years and has been refined in recent years.Far-right opposition influence over current eventsIn late 2024 and early 2025, the Venezuelan opposition, exhausted by false promises, disconnection from reality, and internal struggles, announced the “Ya Casi Venezuela” strategy, which consisted of a failed international fundraising effort to pay mercenaries to kill President Maduro and other Chavista leaders.Erik Prince, notorious US mercenary boss who founded the infamous Blackwater mercenary corporation, was at the center of this operation. Associates of the “movement” even dared to publicly announce the need for the US to increase the reward for President Maduro’s assassination to US $100 million. This explains why, from January to August, the reward increased from US $15 million to US $25 million and, more recently, to US $50 million.US Senator Mario Díaz-Balart is currently promoting a legislative initiative to increase the bounty to the desired US $100 million. This action is unprecedented in the history of US bounties and is compounded by the fact that it is targeting a legitimately elected president of a country that respects the international system.In addition, the disconnection of the Venezuelan far right from the population has been aggravated by its evident adherence to racist policies against Venezuelan migrants, which led to the abduction of 252 Venezuelans by US authorities and their subsequent imprisonment in CECOT, a concentration camp run by Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele.While the opposition, led by María Corina Machado, applauded this unprecedented and shameful act, the Venezuelan government negotiated the prisoners’ release and condemned the violation of international law. This only served to decrease any Venezuelan support for the far-right opposition and its embattled leaders.Moreover, the recent threat of military aggression has not only united the supporters of Venezuela’s ongoing socialist revolutionary process but also has brought sectors of the moderate and far-right opposition into the fold. In recent days, Henrique Capriles, along with other important opposition leaders, have gone so far as to question the US military maneuvers.All of the above paints a rather bleak picture for the opposition forces. Added to this are María Corina Machado’s truly shameful statements praising the US attack on a small boat where 11 Venezuelans were allegedly killed.In short, any analyst, ireespective of political affiliation, agrees that the opposition is in one of its most shameful phases in recent history.International and regional reactionThe current situation is taking place in a context of US imperial decline, which has led to Trump’s tariff war and audacious imperialist proclamations such as the threat to annex Canada, Greenland, and the Panama Canal and threats of militarily invading Mexico to fight drug cartels, as well as other extravagant claims.This has shifted the regional balance, as numerous political leaders in Latin America and the Caribbean have distanced themselves from US imperialism, shifting the trend away from socialist or anti-imperialist ideas to a more cautious position. Leaders of countries such as Panama and Chile, traditionally very complacent towards US policies, have supported the pro-peace communiqué issued by the CELAC and released by Colombian President Gustavo Petro on September 2.Despite the US narrative of alleged international support for its imperialist rampage against Venezuela, with backers clearly pressured by Washington, such as those of Ecuador, Argentina, Guyana, the Dominican Republic, and Trinidad and Tobago, the region has largely reacted in favor of peace and in a manner that is somewhat aligned with the Venezuelan position. The strong statements issued by the governments of Mexico and Colombia stand out, as does, to a lesser extent, that of Brazil.Meanwhile China, Russia, Iran, and dozens of other countries around the world have publicly expressed solidarity with Venezuela.In this context, the possibility of a full-scale invasion of Venezuela seems unlikely, although once again, rationality has not been a factor in the United States’ decision-making process in recent decades.Expected vs. real effects on VenezuelaMany analysts argue that the desired effect of a US operation of this magnitude will be to achieve a coup similar to that which occurred in 1961 against President João Goulart in Brazil. Others are of the opinion that the US intends to generate internal tension and instability in Venezuela.The reality in Venezuela is far from the wildest dreams of these analysts, whose opinions are largely driven by the political gamesmanship of far-right groups (in Venezuela and the US) who have very little contact with the Venezuelan reality.The reality is that the current situation has led to greater levels of cohesion within the Venezuelan left and even to unexpected support from some right-wing sectors that was unthinkable just a few years ago.Additionally, the economy, despite current exchange-rate tensions that always have a significant impact on the economy, shows significant signs of growth and recovery.Despite a relentless campaign by far-right figures on social media seeking to generate panic among the population about the imminence of a US invasion, the Venezuelan people have shown strength and unity. The best proof of this is the massive popular support for the call to enlist in the Bolivarian National Militia.Unusual Chavista–MSM partial narrative alignmentOne point that has not been discussed much is the unusual apparent partial alignment of Venezuela’s narrative with that of some imperialist spokespeople, especially in mainstream media.Since the US military deployment, many voices and media outlets have expressed concern or questioned the initiative.After Trump announced the downing of a small boat allegedly coming from Venezuela and carrying drugs from the Tren de Aragua gang, possibly killing 11 civilians, questions about the legality and veracity of the information were widely disseminated by mainstream media.We do not believe that this is due to an alignment of Venezuela’s interests with those of imperialism. The main cause of this alignment, in addition to the minimal use of common sense, is based on the anti-Trump agenda pursued by many of these “liberal” media outlets.Independent and alternative communicators must take advantage of this moment to better showcase the Venezuelan reality at this juncture. On social media, for example, it is clear that many, although unfamiliar with the Venezuelan reality, are criticizing the White House’s threats against the Venezuelan people.All Elements in Place for a US Decapitation Strike on VenezuelaFake US war on drugs vs. the real Venezuelan fight against drugsMuch has been written and said about the lack of credibility of the narrative that Venezuela is a narco-state and that President Maduro is simultaneously the boss of the Cartel of the Suns, the Sinaloa Cartel, and the Tren de Aragua gang. In addition, numerous outlets have referred to recent reports from both the United Nations and the European Union showing that barely 5% of the drugs produced in Colombia or Peru transit through Venezuela and that Venezuela is virtually free of drug cultivation and processing.However, little has been said about the hypocrisy of the United States’ “war on drugs” narrative. Unfortunately, the US has a sick society that demands large quantities of narcotics, and its government does nothing to combat it domestically. What is certain is that the United States, as a whole, is the greatest consumer of cocaine among all countries on the planet.Ben Norton, a US analyst currently based in China and closely associated with Latin America, recently published a video demonstrating the falsity of the US narrative on the fight against drugs.He mentioned the case of Honduras, with narco-president Juan Orlando Hernández, who ended up in a US prison in 2022 after having been a US ally for years. He also mentioned Daniel Noboa, currently president of Ecuador and a strategic ally of Washington despite clear court rulings linking him and his family to drug trafficking to Europe.A very simple historical analysis reveals that the US anti-drug narrative is a fabrication. There are US military bases in Colombia, built under Plan Colombia with the aim of combating drug trafficking, but instead of combating it, cocaine production in Colombia has only increased under the US military presence in the country.Similarly, declassified US intelligence reports link Colombian right-wing political boss and former President Álvaro Uribe to drug cartels and to the leader of the Medellín Cartel, Pablo Escobar Gaviria himself. US involvement in Nicaragua’s Contra scandal revolved around the use of funds from drug trafficking to finance the Nicaraguan Contras who tried to violently overthrow the Sandinista Revolution in the 1980s.Our point in bringing up these facts is to demonstrate the hypocrisy of the US narrative against Venezuela from multiple angles.ClosingIn short, we want those outside Venezuela to be aware that the current situation of imperialist aggression against Venezuela is indeed calamitous. It represents the worst escalation since the triumph of the Bolivarian Revolution and one of the worst in the republican history of Venezuela.Despite all of the above, the Venezuelan people, worthy and faithful heirs to the anti-imperialist spirit of Liberator Simón Bolívar and Hugo Chávez, remain more united than ever and will confront any imperialist folly with the courage that they demonstrated since expelling Spanish troops from much of the continent in the 19th century. Special for Orinoco TribuneOT/JRE/SL/SC