By: Ainur RohmahJokowi on the ropes. Photo by Andalou AjensiThe political turbulence surrounding former Indonesian President Joko Widodo, or Jokowi, reflects a classic case of backlash following a power vacuum – when old alliances crumble, and long-silenced enemies resurface. Once considered untouchable, Jokowi now finds himself under fire from all sides, accused of everything from fake diplomas to being the “mastermind behind every failed policy.”Most recently, Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) opened an investigation into alleged corruption in the construction of the high-speed train Whoosh, a project launched and completed under Jokowi’s administration. He is said to have insisted on pushing the project forward despite projections of financial losses. The initiation of the probe follows on to the arrests, both on corruption charges regarded as dubious in the business community, of Thomas Lembong, once Jokowi’s prominent trade minister, and Nadiem Anwar Makarim, one of Indonesia’s brightest business stars who served as Jokowi’s Minister of Education, Culture, Research and Technology.Although the popular Lembong was later released from a five-year prison term amid a political outcry, there are growing fears of a crackdown. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) made it a point on October 31 to say nobody is safe from the Whoosh probe into possible irregularities. It could well lead up to Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, who has served as Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment since 2019 and is a close Jokowi adviser. “They made a point to say nobody is safe,” said a business community source who asked not to be identified for fear of retribution. “So who’s going to get the knife? I doubt Jokowi but maybe Luhut?”During his two terms as president, Jokowi consolidated power by bringing as many political parties as possible into his coalition — including the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Partai Gerindra), led by Prabowo Subianto, now the country’s president and twice Jokowi’s rival in the 2014 and 2019 elections. This strategy left virtually no opposition in parliament, allowing policies to pass with little resistance. With such control, Jokowi was able to launch two massive projects costing trillions of rupiah – the new capital city Ibu Kota Nusantara (IKN) and the Whoosh high-speed train – despite widespread public skepticism.With the immense influence he wielded, Jokowi also played a crucial role in helping Prabowo and his son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, secure victory in the 2024 presidential election, even though Gibran initially did not meet eligibility requirements. Defying his own party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDIP), which had endorsed former Central Java governor Ganjar Pranowo, Jokowi instead threw his support behind the Prabowo–Gibran ticket.Although Jokowi does not have his own political party, he has built loyal grassroots movements such as Projo (Pro Jokowi) and the Indonesian Solidarity Party (Partai Solidaritas Indonesia, PSI). His popularity remained remarkably high throughout his presidency: he ended his second term with a 75.6 percent approval rating and an 89.4 percent positive image, according to a 2024 Kompas Research and Development (Litbang Kompas) survey.But power is never eternal. Since leaving office, Jokowi has faced unrelenting attacks from political rivals. And despite his son’s position as vice president, Jokowi now appears powerless to shield himself from the blows.Trapped by Legal TroublesSince stepping down from the presidency a year ago, Jokowi has been dogged by a series of legal controversies. He has repeatedly been sued by political figures and civil society groups over the authenticity of his undergraduate diploma. In May, a police investigation concluded that Jokowi’s degree was genuine and that he had indeed graduated from Gadjah Mada University (Universitas Gadjah Mada, UGM). Yet the lawsuits and accusations have persisted — and now, even the authenticity of Gibran’s academic credentials is being questioned.Tired of the repeated allegations, Jokowi recently met with Prabowo, a move analysts interpret as an attempt to seek protection from the barrage of attacks, including those related to the fake diploma accusations. Prabowo’s response remains unclear, but soon after their meeting, he summoned Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin and Minister of Higher Education, Science, and Technology Brian Yuliarto to his private residence.Beyond the diploma controversy, Jokowi has also been blamed for the ballooning debt tied to the Whoosh project, which left the government owing Rp116 trillion (US$6.97 billion) to China. He was said to have insisted on moving ahead despite objections from several ministers, including Ignasius Jonan, who served as transportation minister at the time.PDIP, the ruling party that had supported Jokowi for two terms, claimed it had advised him “no less than three times” against building the high-speed rail. “But there was nothing we could do,” said PDIP Secretary General Hasto Kristiyanto. “It was President Jokowi’s decision.”Public policy expert Agus Pambagio echoed that sentiment, saying he had personally warned Jokowi about the risks, but the president was determined to proceed.In response to his critics, Jokowi defended the Whoosh project, arguing it was not intended to generate financial profit but rather to deliver social benefits — reducing carbon emissions, boosting productivity, easing congestion, and saving travel time.Seeking to calm the controversy, Prabowo said on November 4 that the Whoosh debt was “not a major issue” and vowed to ensure the government honors its obligations. Echoing Jokowi’s justification, he said the project should be seen beyond financial gain. “This is a symbol of our cooperation with China,” Prabowo declared. “I’ve already said that the president of the Republic of Indonesia takes full responsibility. So stop arguing – we are capable, and we are strong.”Despite those assurances, the KPK confirmed its preliminary investigation into alleged Whoosh cost inflation. “This investigation has been underway since the beginning of the year,” said a KPK spokesperson Budi Prasetyo, without elaborating.Allegations of corruption intensified after Mahfud MD, a former coordinating minister for security and legal affairs under Jokowi, revealed possible markups. He said Indonesia had budgeted around US$52 million per kilometer of rail, compared with China’s estimate of US$17–18 million per kilometer. “That’s a threefold increase,” Mahfud said on his YouTube channel.Betrayed by Allies?At the recent Projo congress, Jokowi’s once-fierce volunteer network, chairman Budi Arie Setiadi announced the group’s intention to shift its support from Jokowi to Prabowo. As a symbolic gesture, Projo will replace its logo, once a silhouette of Jokowi, to avoid the impression of personality cultism.Budi also clarified that Projo no longer stands for “Pro Jokowi,” but rather represents the “people.” The former minister of cooperatives expressed hope of joining Prabowo’s Gerindra Party, rather than Jokowi’s allied PSI. “The new logo marks our transformation to meet modern challenges,” Budi said.Observers saw the move as a calculated effort by Budi Arie to protect himself from possible legal troubles while repositioning closer to the center of power. “If Budi joins PSI, he gains no legal cover. Joining Gerindra is different — it’s the ruling party, and that’s a form of political asylum,” said Dedi Kurnia Syah, executive director of Indonesia Political Opinion (IPO).Budi Arie himself has been linked to an online gambling corruption case involving several subordinates during his tenure as Minister of Communication and Digital Affairs (Komunikasi dan Digital, Komdigi) under Jokowi. Court documents cited him as one of the recipients of illicit funds from online gambling operators.He was one of five ministers replaced by Prabowo in a September cabinet reshuffle. Several other Jokowi-era ministers and close allies were also dismissed, a move widely interpreted as Prabowo’s attempt to step out of Jokowi’s shadow and shape his own administration.Prabowo has also kept Gibran largely out of the spotlight, despite Jokowi’s clear hopes that his son would one day succeed him.The Unfinished LegacyBeyond Whoosh, another of Jokowi’s flagship projects — the new capital city Ibu Kota Nusantara (IKN) — now faces uncertainty. Although minor construction continues, progress has slowed sharply. Prabowo has allocated only Rp48.8 trillion from the state budget over the next four years, far less than the Rp75.8 trillion committed between 2022 and 2024.Jokowi’s ambition to relocate the national capital may now be delayed or even abandoned. Prabowo recently signed a presidential regulation designating IKN as the “political capital” by 2028. Yet the regulation and its annexes do not define what a “political capital” entails, a point legal experts say conflicts with the original IKN law passed under Jokowi. Other Jokowi-era infrastructure projects have also stalled, including airports in Kertajati (Majalengka) and Ngloram (Blora). Many view this as part of Indonesia’s familiar political pattern — when leadership changes, so do priorities. Nailul Huda, an economist at the Center of Economic and Law Studies (Celios), said it would not be surprising if Prabowo decides to discontinue some of Jokowi’s National Strategic Projects. “Even if continued, the scale will likely be adjusted to match the available budget,” Nailul said.He noted that Prabowo and Jokowi have distinctly different development priorities. Jokowi’s focus was on large-scale physical infrastructure, while Prabowo’s agenda centers on his flagship free-lunch program and agricultural development. With limited fiscal space, Prabowo’s government may struggle to finish Jokowi’s ambitious infrastructure legacy.