By Ociel Alí López – Apr 21, 2026What has been happening in Peru in recent days, especially after the first round of elections on the Sunday before last, appears to be a return to what this country has experienced in recent years.After an interim period of nearly four years, during which three presidents governed, the political situation appears to have changed little. The actors remain very similar—even identical. The confrontation displays familiar characteristics, and the social groups in conflict share a comparable and deeply rooted historical identity.As suspected from the outset, the repeated removal of presidents (with special mention of those elected by popular vote), the judicialization of parties that have held the largest number of seats—as in the case of Peru Libre—and the constant “terruqueo”—the term used in the Andean country to describe the criminalization of progressive and left-wing sectors pushing to transform enduring colonial structures—have done little to alter Peru’s social and political landscape.Thus, the tension amid the slow-motion vote count and the uncertainty over when final results will be announced only recalls past episodes that keep recurring.Deja vu in Peruvian styleThe situation appears unchanged for several reasons. First, because the right-wing candidate, Keiko Fujimori (Popular Force)—heir to Fujimorism, the conservative populist movement that governed from 1990 to 2000—is set to advance to the runoff for the fourth time. This means she has reached the second round in three presidential elections, yet has always lost at that stage.This is explained by the fact that her movement commands a solid, disciplined, and effective base—but simultaneously faces a high degree of rejection that has remained majority until now, enabling the triumph of her opponents regardless of their political affiliation.But the déjà vu isn’t limited to Keiko. A similar dynamic is unfolding within the popular movement. Its candidate, psychologist Roberto Sánchez (Together for Peru)—who trailed in all polls—surprised everyone, just as the deposed and imprisoned president, Pedro Castillo, did in 2021: an unknown teacher who rode to prominence on horseback, pencil in hand and traditional hat on his head.In that year’s runoff, Castillo waited more than a month for his victory to be recognized—a victory denied from day one until his eventual impeachment, which loomed week after week during his tumultuous and brief term. Despite relentless harassment, persecution, and repression against his supporters, Sánchez—a former member of Castillo’s cabinet—took up the same cause. He never concealed his support for Castillo and managed to sweep southern Peru, the stronghold of the indigenous and peasant movement, defeating 33 other candidates, many of whom wielded considerable media and financial power.All of this hinges on confirmation by the National Elections Board. Although around 7 percent of polling stations remain uncounted, official data show the leftist candidate in second place, albeit narrowly, with his lead widening as rural votes are tallied. This position could pave the way to the presidency: while his current result stands at around 12 percent, Castillo increased his vote share by more than 30 points between the first and second rounds. Meanwhile, Fujimori faces a “low ceiling” due to the persistent antipathy she generates among voters.There is also repetition in the far rightWhat is unfolding—and this is a recurring theme—is the stark divide between Peru’s rural and urban worlds, between excluded sectors and privileged classes. Rafael López Aliaga (Popular Renewal) seems caught in an “eternal return.”As in 2021, he finished third this time with a nearly identical percentage (around 10 percent), despite serving as mayor of Lima in recent years and enjoying formidable media and financial backing. The ultraconservative maintains core support among middle- and upper-class voters, who exert disproportionate influence on public discourse but prove relatively weak at the ballot box.Peru’s Left-Wing Parties Condemn Right-Wing Demand for Supplementary Elections in LimaAnother echo of historic clashes is López’s reaction: he has refused to accept the results. Without presenting evidence, he has alleged fraud and offered a substantial sum—$5,000—to any official who can provide proof. The parallel with 2021 lies in the reactionary response of middle- and upper-class sectors to the prospect of a leader championing the popular classes.Indeed, the right-wing candidate has claimed that rural voters “don’t have the means to be properly educated,” implying their ballots should carry less weight than those from urban areas where he lost. During the campaign, he referred to voters in the province of Andahuaylas—who rejected him—as “shitty people.” Many of his online followers have since unleashed barrages of racist remarks against voters in southern Peru, stunned by Sánchez’s strong showing.What is not the sameIf anything has changed in this electoral cycle compared to previous ones, it is the unprecedented fragmentation of options—35 presidential candidates—and, above all, the convergence of discontent into blank and null votes, which comfortably surpassed the tally of the first-place candidate.This can be read as a message of exhaustion: the electorate is sending its own “message to García,” signaling that political pugnacity has not only persisted but seems destined to continue until fundamental changes take root in Peruvian politics.Another notable difference is the absence of large-scale popular mobilizations and the military-police repression that marked 2022, 2023, and 2024—when dozens of protesters were killed demonstrating against Castillo’s ouster and the imposition of an excessively prolonged interim government backed by force.Let us hope that this time, democratic institutions take firm steps to respect the will of the Peruvian people—and that such protest movements will not need to be repeated. (RT)Translation: Orinoco TribuneOT/JB/SH