This is an edition of The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here.You can’t find many clichés hoarier than Tip O’Neill’s rule that “all politics is local.” A truism is supposed to be true, though. Does this one still hold?Tomorrow’s elections make the case that the opposite is more accurate these days: No politics is local. In the Virginia and New Jersey governor’s races, Donald Trump is a central issue for voters. In the New York City mayoral election, things are even more complicated: Trump endorsed Andrew Cuomo this evening, the culmination of months of sparring between the president and front-runner Zohran Mamdani, and analysts are debating what Mamdani’s expected victory would mean for the national Democratic Party. Meanwhile, international affairs—especially the Israeli-Palestinian conflict—have come up frequently in this municipal contest.The nationalization of politics is a familiar story, especially in Congress. As the parties have become more polarized in recent years, voters have become less willing to cross the aisle or split their ballot between Democrats and Republicans—especially because animosity toward the other party is a central part of the polarization. The weakening of local media outlets, especially newspapers, has also left citizens far more informed and invested in national political dynamics than matters closer to home.At one time, a Democrat could win a House seat in North Dakota, and California might send a Republican to the Senate. Don’t expect to see either of those feats repeated soon. As the political scientist Lee Drutman writes, how a given district voted for president “now explains 98% of House outcomes. In the Senate, it’s 91%. In 2000, roughly half of Senate races were competitive enough that candidate quality could flip them. By 2024, only 12% were.”One might expect or hope that governorships and mayoralties are different. Certainly, the people who hold those jobs like to make snarky remarks about how, unlike peacocking legislators, they actually have to get things done. But national politics may be impinging on these jobs in the same way.In Virginia, Democrat Abigail Spanberger is expected to be elected governor by a safe margin over Republican Winsome Earle-Sears. Historically, this is no surprise: Since 1976, the party that won the presidency has lost the Old Dominion governor’s race the following year all but once. As the state urbanizes, however, the factors that account for the curse have become more pronounced. First, as Jeff E. Schapiro writes for the University of Virginia Center for Politics, the “majority of the state’s residents are non-natives, many conditioned by political practices long resisted in Virginia; for example, registration by party and straight-ticket voting. Thus, party affiliation becomes a potent cue for such voters. That includes the politician they’re voting for and the politician they’re voting against.” For example, Trump. Spanberger has avoided talking much about the president, in part because she doesn’t need to: Democrats are highly concentrated in northern Virginia, which is also home to many federal workers—some of whom may be furloughed or working without paychecks during the government shutdown. They know Trump, they dislike him, and they’re already motivated.New Jersey is a little different. For one thing, the race is expected to be closer. Though polls have been jumping around a little, Democrat Mikie Sherrill seems to have a small edge over Republican Jack Ciattarelli. But Sherrill has eagerly invoked the president throughout the campaign, such that Ciattarelli has taken to mocking it on the stump: “If you get a flat tire on the way home tonight, she’s going to blame it on President Trump.” Car troubles might not be the transportation issue that’s most pertinent: Trump’s punitive attempt to kill a major rail tunnel connecting New Jersey and New York looks like an electoral gift to Sherrill.Even so, the nationalization of the New York mayoral race has been particularly dramatic. That’s a little funny, given that the mayoralty is famously a dead-end job for ambitious politicians, despite the fondest hopes of John Lindsay, Rudy Giuliani, Michael Bloomberg, and Bill de Blasio. (And does anyone really think Eric Adams won’t try a comeback on the national stage?)Some of the biggest media moments in the New York race—though not necessarily the ones that have most shaped voters’ views—concern the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This focus is in part because of Mamdani’s own background: Pro-Palestinian activism is a foundational part of his political career, and he’s said he would honor an International Criminal Court warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and order the NYPD to arrest him if he visits New York, which Mamdani likely lacks the legal authority to do. The city’s large Jewish and Muslim populations make the matter one of voter interest there. Still, this focus has led to some bizarre moments. In a June debate, for example, the candidates were asked what country they would visit first as mayor. Several of the candidates answered Israel; Mamdani said he’d stay in New York City. It has also produced some instances of Islamophobia, including from Mamdani’s chief competition today, Andrew Cuomo.Mamdani has mostly tried, as he did in the debate, to pivot to actual local issues that have lifted him in the campaign, especially affordability. His left-wing stances have fueled a split among members of his party nationally: Progressive Democrats hope that he will become the new face of the party. Centrist Democrats, meanwhile, fear that he will become the new face of the party. Indeed, some Republicans hope to use him as a boogeyman nationally. This can benefit both sides: When Trump attacked Mamdani as a “communist” last night, Mamdani was more than happy to bash Cuomo by broadcasting Trump’s remarks to Trump-detesting Big Apple voters.In the recent past, the idea that a New York mayoral candidate’s stance on Palestinian rights might affect his prospects would have appeared peculiar. And the idea that his platform on rent control could sway U.S. House votes in Texas or Nevada—as Republicans hope and centrist Democrats worry—would have seemed downright preposterous. Today, dismissing either of those isn’t so easy.Related:Mamdani has a point about rent control, Rogé Karma argues.New York is hungry for a big grocery experiment.Here are three new stories from The Atlantic:The solution to the third-term threatTom Nichols: The Trump administration is a regime of troubled children.Jonathan Chait: The ballroom blitz should be a bigger scandal.Today’s NewsThe Trump administration said it will use $4.65 billion in emergency funds to cover about half of November’s SNAP benefits during the ongoing government shutdown, warning that payments could be delayed in some states. The move follows a federal court order from Friday requiring the government to continue the food-assistance program despite lapsed funding.Israel’s top military lawyer, Yifat Tomer-Yerushalmi, was arrested after admitting she leaked footage showing soldiers allegedly assaulting a Palestinian detainee and misled Israel’s high court about the leak. According to Israeli media, she faces charges including fraud and breach of trust.Police say a 32-year-old man is in custody on suspicion of attempted murder after a stabbing on a train in England left several people injured on Saturday. A staff member who tried to stop the attack remains in life-threatening condition and was praised by police as “nothing short of heroic.”DispatchesThe Wonder Reader: Rafaela Jinich explores how food delivery became both a marvel of modern life and a warning about what we lose to our growing appetite for convenience.Explore all of our newsletters here.Evening ReadIllustration by The Atlantic. Source: Will Ireland / MacFormat Magazine / Future / Getty.Enjoy CarPlay While You Still CanBy Patrick GeorgeAmong all of Apple’s achievements, one of the most underrated has been making driving less miserable. Before Apple CarPlay debuted, about a decade ago, drivers were stuck with whatever clunky tech features were preloaded into their car. By projecting a simplified iPhone layout onto the car’s central screen, CarPlay lets you use apps such as Apple Maps and Spotify without fumbling for your phone, make hands-free calls, and dictate text messages. It is seamless, free, and loved by millions of iPhone owners.Now one of the world’s biggest car companies is taking it away.Read the full article.More From The AtlanticThe lonely new vices of American lifeWhen helicopter parents touch down—at collegeIn defense of “groupthink”The slow death of special educationThe next era of the American universityWhite House architecture was an honor system. Trump noticed.Culture BreakIllustration by Ben KotheExplore. This year’s baseball playoffs and World Series showed that the game can still deliver the unexpected, Steve Rushin writes.Watch. The Saturday Night Live sketch (streaming on Peacock) about domestic chores pitched the next big true-crime hit: what happens when men are left to fend for themselves, Paula Mejía writes.Play our daily crossword.PSI don’t mean to make all my postscripts remembrances for musicians—but I didn’t want to let the death of Donna Jean Godchaux-MacKay go unmarked. She was a vocalist with the Grateful Dead for most of the 1970s. Her singing is, let’s say, divisive among Deadheads, and if you listen to live recordings that include her, you’re going to find some cringe moments. But you’ll also find her voice truly enhancing many shows during the band’s best years. Check out, for example, May 8, 1977 at Cornell’s Barton Hall, which some people consider the best Dead show ever. Fare thee well, Donna Jean.— DavidRafaela Jinich contributed to this newsletter.When you buy a book using a link in this newsletter, we receive a commission. Thank you for supporting The Atlantic.