Republican Alaska Senator Dan Sullivan in late January asked Prime Minister Mark Carney for stronger environmental safeguards on mining projects near transboundary waterways, calling for formal consultation and dispute resolution mechanisms and suggested United States investment in Canadian critical minerals should be tied to stricter environmental conditions. He said critical minerals development must not come “at the expense of downstream communities’ cultural heritage, economy and environment,” reflecting Alaska’s longstanding concerns that upstream development in British Columbia’s Golden Triangle could affect fisheries, drinking water and Indigenous subsistence resources. In doing so, Sullivan reignited a decade-long cross-border dispute about the effect mining in northwestern B.C. has on rivers flowing into Alaska, underscoring a growing disconnect between political pressure and the regulatory framework governing projects in one of Canada’s most important mining districts and what that could mean for investment as activity accelerates in the region. Companies say existing environmental reviews have cleared their projects of downstream pollution, but renewed pressure from Sullivan is adding uncertainty for investors, something that might not yet be showing up in current financing decisions, but could complicate permitting timelines and weigh on long-term project plans. The Golden Triangle lies about 1,500 kilometres northwest of Vancouver and is a key focus for both federal and provincial governments due to its role in Canada’s critical minerals strategy. Marcus Giannini, a mining analyst at Haywood Securities Inc., said investors see the Alaska-B.C. dispute as part of a broader backdrop of political and permitting uncertainty in the mining sector. He said the key question is whether Sullivan’s campaign will translate into actual policy changes that could affect permitting timelines or cross-border investment. He also said it makes sense that the region is attracting increased attention. “There’s a ton of wealth to be made provincially and federally through the development of a mining district like this,” he said. “You’ve got everything under the sun, from critical minerals, copper, silver, gold to you name it. It’s one of the most fertile mining jurisdictions in the world.” Several major projects there are advancing through final permitting or large-scale expansion, including the Eskay Creek Revitalization Project, a gold, silver and antimony project that secured full provincial and federal permits in early 2026, and the Kerr-Sulphurets-Mitchell Project, one of the world’s largest undeveloped copper-gold deposits. The Galore Creek Project, a major copper project important to electricity supply chains , is moving toward a formal investment decision, while the Red Chris mine is undergoing a major underground expansion after being designated a nation-building project by the federal government. A senior mining executive, who asked not to be named, at one of the companies operating in the region said investor sentiment is sensitive to political pressures even if no formal policy changes have been made. “Investors don’t like uncertainty,” he said. There is no evidence yet of investors withdrawing or financing being affected, he said, but the risk lies in adding further layers to the permitting process rather than outright opposition. “You have additional parties at the table demanding change,” he said. “It just expands the opportunity for something to slow or stop a project.” John Steen, director of the Bradshaw Research Initiative in Minerals and Mining at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, said there isn’t any evidence that current mining operations are contaminating Alaska’s rivers. “That claim is completely baseless,” he said. “It’s not based in science. It’s a lot of noise at the moment.” Steen said the dispute is less about a response to new environmental data and more about political signalling. “We’re in weird times,” he said, pointing to uncertain trade relations and negotiations under the Canada–U.S.–Mexico Agreement . “Things can become issues unexpectedly.” At the same time, Canada and the U.S. are deepening co-operation on minerals vital to defence and the high-tech industry. For example, earlier this year, the joint Critical Minerals Production Alliance said it is backing about $18.5 billion in investment commitments for Canadian mining projects. Both governments have committed billions of dollars for critical minerals development. Ottawa has set aside nearly $4 billion to its comprehensive Critical Minerals Strategy and is officially launching its $2-billion Critical Minerals Sovereign Fund this spring. The fund marks a shift in Canadian policy, allowing the federal government to take direct equity stakes in companies and provide loan guarantees for high-priority projects deemed essential to national and allied security. The U.S. has invested more than US$60 million in direct defence-related co-investment for Canadian critical minerals projects in recent years. This includes US$20 million for Toronto-based Electra Battery Materials Corp. to onshore cobalt refining, US$15.8 million for Vancouver-based Fireweed Metals Corp. in the Yukon and US$8.35 million for Lomiko Metals Inc. in Quebec. Steen said Canada should “play a straight bat” in response to U.S. political pressure, which is often inconsistent and shifting, and that Ottawa appears to recognize that responding to every statement would be counterproductive. “The industry’s in good shape,” he said. “That’s the line to take. And the industry should be allowed to do what it is doing and continue in the direction it is going.” Nevertheless, three river systems — the Taku, Stikine and Unuk — have been sticking points for the U.S. because they flow from B.C. into Alaska and concerns are often reactivated by new development proposals or politics. Sullivan is also facing a closely watched re-election campaign in this fall’s U.S. midterm election, which could be behind his continuing pressure even though he is at odds with his state’s regulators. Three weeks after he sent his letter to Carney, state commissioners overseeing environmental and natural resource agencies told him in a letter that existing Canada–U.S. co-ordination systems for monitoring and managing shared watersheds are functioning effectively. They said regulatory standards on both sides of the border are “comparable in scope and intent,” pointing to joint monitoring data and years of co-operation through a transboundary working group, and that monitoring has not identified changes to water quality downstream linked to modern mining activity in B.C. Regardless, Sullivan escalated his campaign just days later. He and fellow Republican Alaska Senator Lisa Murkowski sent a second letter to senior Donald Trump administration officials, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of War Pete Hegseth. They called for a stronger federal response to environmental risks tied to Canadian mining, including cleanup of abandoned transboundary sites such as the Tulsequah Chief mine, stricter upfront reclamation bonding requirements similar to Alaska standards — a claim state regulators also disputed — and formal cross-border consultation and dispute resolution mechanisms. They also called for rejecting U.S. government funding for Canadian mining or processing projects unless Canada commits to and funds the cleanup of abandoned and leaking mine sites in transboundary watersheds. There have been issues in the past. For example, the Tulsequah Chief mine has been leaking acid for decades. It has been cited by senators, Indigenous groups, commercial fishers and environmental organizations as a persistent example of transboundary watershed contamination. But site cleanup is happening under a 2024 memorandum of understanding between the B.C. government, the Taku River Tlingit First Nation and Teck Resources Ltd. Full remediation is expected to take about a decade and cost roughly $100 million. B.C. regulators and industry acknowledge the sensitivity of watersheds, but say modern safeguards are specifically designed to prevent the kinds of impacts seen at older sites. Industry representatives say that given the scale of existing investment and co-operation, additional federal oversight risks complicating rather than improving a system that is already working. Michael Goehring, chief executive of the Mining Association of B.C., said a joint monitoring program for those three rivers was set up in 2015 under the Bilateral Working Group on the Protection of Transboundary Waters. An old factory in sat derelict until someone discovered its worth billionsCanadian farmers face higher costs for fertilizer, fuel The group’s 2021 report concluded that some elements such as arsenic and copper were naturally elevated in the region’s mineral-rich soil, but pollution levels above Alaska’s water-quality standards were not found downstream of the B.C. border. “Respectfully, Senator Sullivan is calling for a solution where there already is one,” Goehring said. • Email: arankin@postmedia.com