ANDREW HIGGINS, LILI RUTAI2026年4月15日2024年，彼得·毛焦尔在维克托·欧尔班的故乡费尔切尔进行竞选活动。 Akos Stiller for The New York TimesAddressing an audience of just a few hundred people, Peter Magyar, a charismatic but largely unknown lawyer, swayed atop an unsteady flatbed truck two years ago and issued a preposterous command: “Take back our country, step by step, brick by brick.”两年前，魅力十足但当时几乎无人知晓的律师彼得·毛焦尔站在一辆摇摇晃晃的平板卡车上，对着区区几百人的听众发表演讲，他发出了一个看似荒谬的命令：“一步一步、一砖一瓦，夺回我们的国家。”The childhood home of Hungary’s seemingly invincible prime minister, Viktor Orban, was just down the road, and the idea that Europe’s longest-serving head of government would allow a jumped-up attorney to tear down his laboriously constructed and very sturdy political movement — a vote-winning machine called Fidesz — seemed absurd.当时，匈牙利看似不可战胜的总理维克托·欧尔班的童年故居就在这条街的不远处。欧洲在任时间最长的政府首脑竟然会允许一个自命不凡的律师去拆毁他费尽心血、坚不可摧的政治机器——那个名叫青民盟(Fidesz)的选票收割机，这听起来简直荒唐。Now, having demolished Mr. Orban’s governing party in a general election on Sunday, Mr. Magyar, 45, stands at the pinnacle of power in Hungary. He was hoisted there by a two-thirds majority of seats in Parliament and a share of the popular vote larger than a single party has received since the fall of Communism nearly four decades ago.如今，现年45岁的毛焦尔在周日议会选举中亲手摧毁了欧尔班的执政党。他以议会三分之二多数席位和自共产党垮台近四十年来单一政党从未达到过的最高得票率登上了匈牙利的权力巅峰。Mr. Magyar will not formally take over from Mr. Orban as prime minister until Parliament resumes for its first post-election session, which must happen before May 12. But given that nearly 80 percent of registered voters cast ballots, a record turnout, he has already assumed the role of Hungary’s undisputed leader.毛焦尔要等到议会举行首次选举后会议（必须在5月12日前）才会正式从欧尔班手中接过总理职位。但鉴于近80%的登记选民参与、投票率创下纪录，他实际上已经成为了匈牙利无可争议的领导人。But how is Mr. Magyar going to use his power and to what end?但毛焦尔打算如何运用手中的权力？又想达到什么样的目的？3月，毛焦尔参加一场反对派的集会。A priority, Mr. Magyar told cheering supporters on Sunday night, is to pull down the “puppets and pillars” of Mr. Orban’s system: the Fidesz-aligned heads of the Supreme Court, of the prosecution service and of various nominally independent agencies overseeing the media, the judiciary, the state budget and the policing of anti-competition laws.周日晚，毛焦尔对欢呼的支持者说，他的首要任务是拆除欧尔班体系的“傀儡和支柱”：那些与青民盟结盟的最高法院院长、检察长，以及负责监管媒体、司法、国家预算和反垄断执法的所谓独立机构负责人。“They should leave of their own volition rather than wait for us to fire them because we will fire them,” he warned. “They occupied our country.” Dismissing them could prove difficult; some officials serve for fixed terms, and Parliament has limited ability to unilaterally force them out.“他们最好主动离开，而不是等着我们把他们炒掉——因为我们一定会炒掉他们，”他警告道，“他们占领了我们的国家。”要解雇这些人可能并不容易；有些官员有固定任期，议会在单方面罢免他们的权力上也受到限制。On Monday, at a three-hour news conference, he said he wanted Hungary’s president, Tamas Sulyok, gone, too. The presidency is a mostly ceremonial job, so getting rid of Mr. Sulyok would be less a power grab than a symbolic strike against Mr. Orban’s old order.周一，在一场长达三小时的新闻发布会上，他表示希望现任总统道马什·舒尤克也下台。总统职位基本是礼仪性的，因此罢免舒尤克与其说是权力争夺，不如说是对欧尔班旧秩序的一次象征性打击。“The regime has fallen, and the Hungarian people have voted for a change of system,” Mr. Magyar said in Budapest, the Hungarian capital. “That is the crux of the matter, in my view. Let us start from there.”“旧政权已经倒台，匈牙利人民投票选择了体制变革，”毛焦尔在首都布达佩斯说，“在我看来，这就是问题的核心。我们就从这里入手。”Mr. Magyar said Hungary would rejoin the European Public Prosecutor’s Office, a wing of the European Union that investigates financial crimes, in a sharp break with Mr. Orban’s government, which often portrayed E.U. efforts to enforce rules that Hungary had agreed to abide by as an intolerable affront to Hungarian sovereignty. Rejoining the office would give European investigators the power to examine fraud cases involving the previous administration, including some that could touch Mr. Orban’s family, notably his son-in-law, Istvan Tiborcz, a wealthy tycoon.毛焦尔宣布，匈牙利将重新加入欧盟下属的欧洲公共检察官办公室，这与欧尔班政府形成鲜明对比。后者曾经常把欧盟要求匈牙利遵守其同意的规则描绘成对匈牙利主权的不可容忍的冒犯。重新加入该机构将赋予欧洲调查人员审查前政府腐败案件的权力，其中一些案件可能牵涉欧尔班的家族，尤其是他的女婿、富豪商人伊什特万·蒂博尔茨。Mr. Magyar makes for an unlikely scourge of the establishment. He was born into a conservative Budapest family and raised in a wealthy district on the eastern side of the Danube River. His relatives include lawyers and judges and a former president, Ferenc Madl, whose tenure in office from 2000 to 2005 overlapped with part of Mr. Orban’s first term as prime minister.毛焦尔看上去并不像是会成为建制派天敌的人。他出生于布达佩斯一个保守家庭，在多瑙河东岸富裕区长大。他的亲属中不乏律师、法官，还有前总统费伦茨·马德尔，后者在2000年至2005年任职期间与欧尔班的首个总理任期部分重叠。毛焦尔的着装有着鲜明的预科生风格。Mr. Magyar’s uniform for most of his appearances on the campaign trail — white shirt, slim-fit jeans or slacks — had a decidedly preppy look, not that of a rebel working to topple the government.毛焦尔在竞选期间的大多数亮相中都穿着白衬衫、修身牛仔裤或休闲裤，一副典型的预科生打扮，完全不像要推翻政府的叛逆者。Sandor Laszlo Esik, a lawyer and conservative commentator who was a student with Mr. Magyar in the early 2000s at Pazmany Peter Catholic University in Budapest, remembers a different vibe. “The guy had a total disco-rat look back then, with spiky, gelled-back hair, that ’90s German techno hairstyle,” he recalled.律师兼保守派评论员山多尔·拉斯洛·埃希克曾与毛焦尔在2000年代初一同就读于布达佩斯的帕兹马尼·彼得天主教大学。他回忆说，那时候的毛焦尔完全是另一种风格：“那家伙当时一副地下狂欢青年的打扮，头发打满发胶往后梳成刺猬头，就是那种90年代德国科技舞曲风的发型。”Back then, Mr. Magyar attended events organized by Fidesz, Mr. Esik said. The Catholic university, he added, served as a “seedbed of young Fidesz talent.” Its students at the time also included Gergely Gulyas, who later became Mr. Orban’s chief of staff, and Mate Kocsis, who became a prominent Fidesz lawmaker.埃希克说，当时毛焦尔会参加青民盟组织的活动。那所天主教大学是“青民盟年轻人才的温床”。当时的学生中还包括后来成为欧尔班幕僚长的盖尔盖伊·古亚什，以及后来成为青民盟重要议员的马泰·科奇什。They were all studying law, like Mr. Orban, now 62, had done at another Budapest university more than a decade earlier.和欧尔班一样，他们当时都在读法律。现年62岁的欧尔班比他们早十多年曾在布达佩斯的另一所大学读法律。For most of his career as a corporate lawyer, Mr. Magyar remained close to people in Mr. Orban’s circle.在担任公司律师的职业生涯大部分时间里，毛焦尔一直与欧尔班圈子内的人保持密切联系。Mr. Magyar worked in a senior position at a state-owned bank overseen by Fidesz loyalists and as a diplomat in Brussels. He married Judit Varga, who later became Mr. Orban’s justice minister, before they announced their divorce in 2023.他曾在青民盟忠实拥护者掌控的国有银行担任高管，还曾在布鲁塞尔担任外交官。他娶了后来成为欧尔班的司法部长的尤迪特·瓦尔加，两人于2023年宣布离婚。Mr. Magyar’s political transition began in 2024 after an independent media outlet, 444, revealed that Mr. Sulyok’s predecessor as president, Katalin Novak, had pardoned a man who had been convicted of helping to cover up sexual abuse in a state-run children’s home.毛焦尔的政坛转型始于2024年。当时独立媒体《444》曝光，前总统卡塔琳·诺瓦克曾赦免一名被判参与掩盖国有儿童福利院性侵案的男子。Mr. Magyar’s ex-wife, Ms. Varga, had countersigned the pardon order.毛焦尔的前妻瓦尔加正是那份赦免令的副署人。The news stirred outrage among Fidesz supporters who liked the party for its promises to protect children and family values. The president resigned, and Ms. Varga was forced to quit.这则新闻在青民盟支持者中引发众怒，因为该党一向标榜保护儿童和家庭价值观。总统随后辞职，瓦尔加也被迫辞职。On the day of Ms. Varga’s resignation, Mr. Magyar announced in a Facebook post that he was breaking with Fidesz and leaving the state-owned company where he worked.在瓦尔加辞职当天，毛焦尔在Facebook发帖宣布与青民盟决裂，并辞去国有公司的工作。A few months later he took over the leadership of an existing but inactive political party called Tisza, which in June 2024 stunned the Fidesz establishment by winning nearly 30 percent of the vote in elections for the European Parliament.几个月后，他接手了一个已经停止活动的政党——蒂萨党。2024年6月，该党在欧洲议会选举中获得近30%的选票，震惊了青民盟建制派。2024年，在维克托·欧尔班的司法部长尤迪特·瓦尔加被迫辞职后，毛焦尔组织了一场抗议活动。For some, Mr. Magyar seemed like a youthful version of Mr. Orban, who began his political life as a teenage Communist activist before his rise to prominence in the 1980s as a vocal critic of the regime.对一些人来说，毛焦尔就像年轻的欧尔班——后者年轻时曾是共产主义活动分子，后来在1980年代以体制批评者的身份声名鹊起。One big difference between them involves religion. Mr. Magyar has long been a believer, unlike Mr. Orban, who was an atheist until he tilted to the right.两人之间一个显著差异在于宗教信仰。毛焦尔长期以来都是信徒，而欧尔班在右转之前一直是无神论者。During the campaign Mr. Magyar wore a wristband with a small wooden cross attached. His rallies in small towns often had the feel of religious revival meetings, with Mr. Magyar asking attendees to join and raise their hands in celebration. “God bless Hungary, God bless every Hungarian,” he said on election night. Mr. Magyar’s conservative side has led to some tensions with Mr. Orban’s most fervent foes — progressive activists and journalists in Budapest.竞选期间，毛焦尔佩戴了一条系着小木十字架的手链。他在小城镇举办的集会常常带有宗教复兴会的氛围，毛焦尔会邀请与会者一起举手庆祝。选举之夜他说：“上帝保佑匈牙利，上帝保佑每一位匈牙利人。”毛焦尔的保守立场也让他与欧尔班最激烈的反对者——布达佩斯的进步派活动家和记者——产生了摩擦。They were upset that he stayed silent last year when the government banned an annual Pride march in Budapest. The event had been held for years without incident. Mr. Orban’s party then rushed legislation through Parliament to make it illegal to hold gatherings like Pride parades.去年政府禁止在布达佩斯举行一年一度的骄傲游行时，他保持沉默，这让进步派感到不满。这项举办了多年的活动一直没有生过事端，而欧尔班的政党迅速通过立法将此类骄傲游行定为非法。The ban put Mr. Magyar in a difficult position. Progressives in Budapest wanted him to take a stand, but so did Fidesz, which was looking for ways to portray him as a closet liberal. Mr. Magyar avoided the trap by saying nothing.这项禁令让毛焦尔陷入两难。布达佩斯的进步派希望他表态，青民盟则希望把他描绘成乔装打扮的自由派。毛焦尔选择了沉默，避开了陷阱。Now able to speak more freely since his election victory, Mr. Magyar this week expressed his support of the freedom of assembly, gay rights and other liberties circumscribed by the previous government.如今选举获胜后可以更自由地发言，本周毛焦尔表达了对集会自由、同性恋权利以及此前政府限制的其他自由权利的支持。“In Hungary, everyone has the right to freedom of assembly. Period,” he said on Monday.“在匈牙利，每个人都有集会自由。就这么简单，”他在周一说道。Andrew Higgins是《纽约时报》东欧和中欧分社社长，常驻华沙。翻译：经雷点击查看本文英文版。