Better to watch the phone. Photo from South China Morning PostHong Kong’s four-year exercise in “patriotic” democracy took place on December 7 against the backdrop of anger over the city’s worst fire in nearly eight decades, overshadowing government efforts to rally support for the polls in an exercise that bore little resemblance to free or fair elections. To sum up the imbalances, 1,317,682 voters, or 31.9 percent of those registered, elected candidates for 20 seats in the 90-seat legislature. At the same time, 194,000 voters elected 30 members to represent various so-called ‘functional constituencies’ based on industry and employment groups. Meanwhile, just 1,500 members of the elite Election Committee, many already holding government posts, chose the other 40.This imbalance in voting power between the masses, represented by geographical constituencies, and the small circle elections, goes some way to explain why fewer than a third of the public turned out to vote even after the government spent HK$1.6 billion on the exercise and made it a criminal offense, under which several charges have already been made, to urge people not to vote. That didn’t stop 3 percent of ballots from being invalid – blank or spoiled by voters apparently unwilling to participate. Four suspects have been arrested for attempting to discourage participation, part of the sour mood continuing to overhang the city from the 2020 imposition of the National Security Law that effectively put an end to free expression.Those who voted were given “Thank You for Voting” cards which were rewarded by some businesses with gifts or discounts. This somehow fell outside the definition of electoral bribery. The government denied the cards would be used to check whether civil servants had voted, but the fear that they would be appeared to be an incentive for some to turn out. The government vainly blanketed the city with posters imploring voters to support the elections as well as offering carrots including fee entry to public swimming pools and museums on polling day, organizing carnivals in city districts, and televising a variety show and gala.In the event, the government considered it a triumph that the voting percentage marginally exceeded that in 2021, when only 30.2 percent of voters turned out in a race postponed as a result of the Covid pandemic. But it was less than half the 71 percent recorded in the 2019 District Council elections which saw a surge of pro-democracy candidates and was followed 2020 with Beijing’s 2020 imposition of the sweeping National Security Law. That law in turn led to the absence of real opposition candidates, pro-democracy advocates having long been either jailed or ruled out by a vetting process which allowed only those deemed “patriotic” to become candidates. The number of registered voters also fell.The overall election result this year showed a few personnel changes but nothing which seemed likely to raise the quantity or quality of debate in the legislature or have a marked impact on government policies. It did, however, show up official nervousness about the depth of resentment against the government that is quietly running through large sectors of society. This became acute in the wake of the Wang Fuk Court fire disaster which claimed at least 159 lives with 31 people still missing. Foreign media were accused of stirring up anti-China forces and various news agencies were summoned to be berated for unspecified hostile reporting. Official nervousness was also demonstrated by senior National Security police officer who went to the memorial site for the fire victims. He claimed the situation was “becoming more like that of the ‘black clad’ violence of the 2019 demonstrations.” The site was cleared immediately after the election.Flowers for fire victims. Photo from Peter Parks / AFP - Getty Images“Hatred of the government” may be a natural feeling among those who lost family in the fire given that at least some of the blame for the failure of officials to monitor safety rules. Suspicion also exists over political meddling in construction contracts. Hence, now any strong criticism of government actions, or inactions, or individual investigative inquiries into the causes is liable to come with the purview of threats to National Security. Protection of existing powers and system is feared to override investigative independence. As it is, the Committee of Inquiry set up by the Chief Executive lacks the investigative and judicial powers held by Commissions of Inquiry held after previous Hong Kong disasters such as the 2012 Lamma Ferry sinking and the 1996 Garley Building fire.