SUPPORT ETHIOPIA INSIGHT .wpedon-container .wpedon-select, .wpedon-container .wpedon-input { width: 200px; min-width: 200px; max-width: 200px; } In Ethiopia’s fractured west, civilians navigate a treacherous landscape of militias, extortion, and shifting loyaltiesOn market day in Dembi Dollo—a vibrant town in Kellem Wollega Zone, Western Oromia—women arrange fresh produce beneath faded umbrellas, children dart between donkeys laden with grain, and traders haggle in subdued voices.Yet beneath this bustle lies a pervasive tension. Checkpoints choke the roads in and out. Militias patrol the outskirts. Conversations fall silent at the mention of certain names. Here, the ordinary rhythm of commerce unfolds in the long shadow of a fractured conflict that has redrawn loyalties, blurred authority, and unsettled everyday life.This fragile normalcy reflects a much deeper struggle—one rooted in Oromia’s decades-long conflict between the Ethiopian state and Oromo nationalist movements.Oromia has long been the epicenter of a protracted conflict between the Ethiopian government and the Oromo Liberation Front – Oromo Liberation Army (OLF-OLA), an armed group that split from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 2019. The OLF, founded in 1973, began as a political movement advocating for Oromo self-determination and rights.For decades, the OLF opposed successive regimes, denouncing political, economic, and cultural marginalization. Its armed wing, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), later broke away over disputes around disarmament and political reintegration, eventually rebranding as the OLF-OLA. Since then, the group has waged an insurgency against the federal government, citing repression and broken reform promises.Repeated peace talks have collapsed, with both sides accusing each other of violating ceasefires and negotiating in bad faith. The conflict has deepened instability across Oromia, fueling humanitarian crises and weakening state authority.Dembi Dollo embodies this fragmentation: the town center remains under government control, while the surrounding countryside is dominated by the OLF-OLA. Caught in between, locals must navigate rival powers—each with its own rules, demands, and consequences.Government GripDembi Dollo hosts a dense concentration of Ethiopian government forces, including the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), various militias, Anti-Rebel units, Gachana Sirna, regular police, and civilian informants. The Anti-Rebel forces reportedly include ex-Derg regime fighters (1974–1991) and recently surrendered OLF-OLA members.One such figure, Segni Negassa—a former OLF-OLA Central Zone commander—was appointed Security Advisor to the Oromia Regional President, reflecting a strategy to exploit internal divisions and utilize former insurgents.The town’s streets are saturated with security personnel; locals estimate that two out of five people seen in public are affiliated with government forces. This overwhelming presence, especially on market days, visibly asserts state control. Reinforcing this dominance is expansive infrastructure: over five ENDF bases, several Anti-Rebel camps, and militias embedded in every kebele (local administrative unit).Such militarization breeds fear, encourages self-censorship, and deters dissent. The presence of former OLF-OLA fighters as informants deepens mistrust among residents.In addition to standard taxes, residents are subject to a series of compulsory financial extractions: informal customs duties, militia support payments, Busa Gonofa, health insurance, military aid funds, and other fees.These contributions strain household finances, often beyond capacity. One telling example is the Prosperity Party local headquarters, for which traders were forced to contribute 15,000–35,000 Birr, with payment required for license renewal.While Busa Gonofa traditionally denotes community mutual aid, here it functions as a mandatory state levy—appropriating cultural language for revenue. Health insurance, though beneficial in theory, requires upfront payment even from those eligible for subsidies, limiting access for the poor.The cumulative financial burden stifles economic activity. One resident remarked that while opportunities exist, the constant demands make businesses unsustainable. The fear of sudden and overwhelming contributions discourages entrepreneurship and long-term investment, locking residents in economic insecurity.Beyond economic pressure, surveillance and fear define daily life. Alleged OLF-OLA sympathizers face immediate arrest, often triggered by informant reports. A low-level official admitted, “We are afraid of our shadows,” describing how even private conversations require caution. He added, “Even as an official, you can’t ask questions—you just execute orders.”As a result, residents avoid expressing support or criticism toward either the government or the OLF-OLA, unsure who they’re speaking to. This climate erodes trust, silences grievances, and stifles collective action. One resident summed it up: they avoid involvement and comply with demands. Another warned of the unchecked power of militias to arrest, beat, extort, or threaten anyone. Those who delay or fail to pay risk detention and accusations of OLF-OLA collaboration.Rebel RealmIn contrast to Dembi Dollo, surrounding rural areas are largely under OLF-OLA control. These zones are reportedly calmer, with fewer clashes due to minimal and inconsistent government military presence. Many pro-government individuals have become internally displaced, often serving as militias in Dembi Dollo—suggesting a rural power shift toward the OLF-OLA.Life under OLF-OLA rule entails obligations. Residents must provide food to fighters. One rural resident noted, “We weren’t forced to give them food, but I don’t think we have another choice… I can’t say ‘No’ to someone with a weapon, even if ‘No’ is allowed.” This reflects a soft coercion—compliance without overt force. The reliance on locals burdens already struggling communities.The OLF-OLA also enforces its own governance, banning residents from paying taxes or contributions to the Ethiopian state. Offenders face punishment, part of a strategy to erode government legitimacy and assert rebel control.During farming season in Seyo Woreda, rural residents must travel to Dembi Dollo to buy government-distributed seeds and fertilizer. Access is restricted to those who have cleared all outstanding taxes and contributions, effectively tying agricultural support to financial compliance.Rural residents entering Dembi Dollo—often for trade—face suspicion and harassment. Militias, sometimes from the same communities, accuse them of aiding OLF-OLA fighters and demand “customs” payments at checkpoints. Fees are often based on known income or harvests. Government forces also inspect all arrivals and impose duties on crops brought to market. This system leaves rural residents trapped—serving rebels at home, yet distrusted and extorted by authorities in town.No Man’s LandSmaller towns on Dembi Dollo’s outskirts are volatile battlegrounds with frequent clashes. Control shifts constantly, as OLF-OLA forces attack and temporarily displace government troops without maintaining long-term presence. Likewise, government officials often live in Dembi Dollo, administering outlying areas remotely due to OLF-OLA threats. This absence of sustained control by either side creates a dangerous, unstable environment for civilians.Several towns have seen direct impact. In Duli, 9 km southwest of Dembi Dollo, a March clash caused government casualties, showing OLF-OLA’s reach near government-held zones. In Mata, 10 km west, at least two clashes occurred in March and April.A 10 March OLF-OLA attack followed a government provocation—the killing and public burning of a rebel fighter. In that clash, OLF-OLA killed at least 14 government personnel. Seyo Woreda officials then summoned workers to bury the dead, arranging separate rites for Christian and Muslim fighters.A chilling local gauge of peace, shared by an Ado resident (6 km southwest), is the sound of hyenas at night—signaling no human activity in villages, forests, or roads, regardless of who controls the area.Civilians in these contested areas face constant risk, with both sides exercising intermittent authority. Youth are frequently suspected by government-aligned militias of rebel ties, often resulting in arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings. In March, government forces in Mata reportedly abducted a teenage boy from his home; his body was found days later.In April, three young men—Tewodros Bungecha, Mudin Etafa, and Eyob Kaba—were detained on 10 April in Abbaa Jaarraa, near Mata. Tewodros was killed the next day; Mudin and Eyob were executed publicly on 16 April in front of Mata Elementary School. Witnesses said they were accused of OLF-OLA links. The use of knives and delayed body release were seen as deliberate acts of intimidation.Civilians also suffer punishment due to relatives’ ties to OLF-OLA. Families face harassment, arrest, and beatings. Even mourning a fallen rebel invites reprisal—as in April, when government forces arrested relatives mourning Mikael Ayala, an OLF-OLA fighter killed in Gindeberet. They were detained for over half a day for taking part in a public mourning.Official DilemmaCivil servants in Dembi Dollo and Woreda offices face a dangerous “Catch-22.” The government’s stance—“you’re either with us or against us”—allows no neutrality. Failing to denounce OLF-OLA or praise the government brands a civil servant as a rebel sympathizer.Administrative reshuffling worsens the risk. Oromia’s state policy forces woreda-level staff to accept cabinet roles in kebeles, including those in OLF-OLA-controlled areas. While such appointments in Dembi Dollo town carry little risk, those in rural zones expose appointees to danger. Serving in these areas means promoting government policy and potentially condemning the OLF-OLA publicly—an act that could provoke deadly retaliation.Refusing appointments carries its own risk: being labeled a rebel ally or losing one’s only source of income. In Seyo Woreda, 27 appointees resigned rather than take up rural posts, highlighting the impossible position of civil servants caught between state pressure and rebel threats.Climate of FearDembi Dollo is gripped by fear. Residents live under constant threat of arrest or death based on mere accusations of OLF-OLA support—true or not. The result is pervasive distrust. “People are afraid to say anything—they’re always suspicious of the person next to them,” one resident said.Conversations about the conflict are limited to deeply trusted circles. This self-censorship reflects the high risk of being misunderstood or reported. One low-level official put it bluntly: “We are afraid of our shadows. Even with trusted friends, we look over our shoulders before saying anything controversial.”This fear extends even to government workers, reflecting how deeply the conflict suppresses free expression.Further fueling anxiety is the unchecked power of militias. A local resident described how they can arrest without cause, beat, extort, or threaten with impunity. Failure to promptly pay government dues often results in immediate arrest and accusations of rebel affiliation. The link between financial compliance and political suspicion entrenches fear and control.Heavy military presence and numerous checkpoints restrict movement, reinforcing the atmosphere of surveillance and intimidation.Humanitarian ImpactThe conflict has deeply affected communities in and around Dembi Dollo. Since 2017, over 103,000 people have been displaced in Kellem Wollega Zone, many fleeing to Dembi Dollo, including former government officials and rural informants.Essential services are severely disrupted. Health facilities—especially in Seyo Woreda—are damaged, limiting access to care. Rural immunization programs are halted. Education and social services have collapsed in rural areas, and schools in outlying towns are often used as military camps. Persistent power outages in Dembi Dollo further hinder daily life, businesses, and basic services.Under SiegeDembi Dollo and its surroundings reveal the toll of prolonged conflict. The town, under government control, is marked by military presence, coercive taxation, and pervasive fear. Rural areas, dominated by OLF-OLA, impose their own rules—residents are required to support the rebels but face suspicion and extortion when entering government zones. Outlying towns lie in contested zones with frequent clashes and civilian suffering. Government employees are trapped between threats from both sides.The ongoing conflict has eroded essential services, strained communities, and weakened economic and social resilience. Without political resolution, it risks deepening divisions and compounding humanitarian and developmental crises. .wpedon-container .wpedon-select, .wpedon-container .wpedon-input { width: 200px; min-width: 200px; max-width: 200px; } Query or correction? Email us window.addEventListener("sfsi_functions_loaded", function(){if (typeof sfsi_widget_set == "function") {sfsi_widget_set();}}); While this commentary contains the author’s opinions, Ethiopia Insight will correct factual errors.Main photo: Dembi Dollo city, Western Oromia. Source: Social MediaPublished under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.The post Under Two Flags: Life in Divided Dembi Dollo appeared first on Ethiopia Insight.