By honoring an opposition leader wanted in Caracas, the Nobel Committee reignited a debate over who gets to define “peace” The 2025 Nobel Peace Prize has gone to María Corina Machado, one of the most prominent faces of Venezuela’s opposition. The committee’s language is familiar – ”rights,” “peaceful transition” – but the story behind it isn’t. Machado’s record blends volunteer election networks with long-running fights over foreign funding; her name has appeared in cases tied to efforts to unseat the government – charges she rejects; and a country remains split over where legitimate politics ends and regime change begins.The award lifts a domestic struggle onto a global stage and drops it into a fresh context: for much of the year, chatter about a “Nobel for Trump” hung in the air, and the very idea of what counts as peacemaking is once again up for debate far beyond Caracas. Read more The Monroe Doctrine is back – dressed up as a war on drugs From steel dynasty to political undergroundMaría Corina Machado is an engineer by training and one of the most recognizable figures in Venezuela’s opposition over the past two decades. Born in Caracas to a family linked to the industrial group SIVENSA, she studied at the Andrés Bello Catholic University and later at IESA, Venezuela’s leading management school. Early exposure to the family business and an affinity for market-friendly ideas shaped her public profile: an emphasis on entrepreneurship, privatization, and integration with global markets.In 2002, Machado co-founded Súmate, a civic platform that built volunteer networks to train election observers and run parallel vote counts. That is when the first major controversy took hold: authorities alleged the group received funding from US-based organizations; her supporters countered that the money supported legitimate civic initiatives. From then on, every move she made in politics was viewed through the lens of where to draw the line on outside assistance.That same year brought Venezuela’s most dramatic recent upheaval – the brief ouster of President Hugo Chávez and the “Carmona decree,” which proclaimed a provisional government. Machado’s name surfaced in debates over who backed the decree; she denied participating. The legal and historical arguments never fully settled, but the episode fixed an image of Machado as a politician whom opponents associate with the idea of “regime change.”A long stretch of investigations and restrictions followed. Between 2003 and 2005, prosecutors examined alleged “illegal foreign funding” for NGOs; travel bans appeared periodically. In 2014, amid street protests, Machado became one of the most prominent voices criticizing the government and, in official rhetoric, was linked to cases alleging a plot and even an attempt on President Nicolás Maduro’s life. Machado rejected the accusations as politically motivated. The upshot was a prolonged ban on holding public office. US President George W Bush (R) shakes hands with Maria Corina Machado (L), Executive Director of Sumate, May 31, 2005 in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC. © Alex Wong / Getty Images By the mid-2010s, Machado had consolidated her own political vehicle, Vente Venezuela (Come Venezuela). In public, she argued for deregulation, anti-corruption measures, privatization, and openness to investment – along with a “peaceful transition” through elections and international monitoring. Critics read this as an effort to normalize external pressure; supporters said it was the only path back to competitive rules.Her biggest surge came in 2023, when she won opposition primaries by a wide margin. The ban on her running, however, remained in force; her team faced inspections and arrests. In early 2024 the opposition shifted to a substitute candidate, Edmundo González, a career diplomat. Registration was marred by technical snags, and the media argued over whether the campaign conditions were even-handed. When the votes were counted, the incumbent held on; several foreign governments declined to recognize the result. Inside Venezuela, the post-election map barely moved: to some, Machado embodies systemic change; to others, she is a politician whose methods and ties stray beyond acceptable bounds. Read more Fyodor Lukyanov: Western Europe should stop looking for ‘Moscow’s hand’ and face up to its own decline After the 2024 vote, Machado largely disappeared from public events. Her statements came via video, with her whereabouts undisclosed. The phrase “underground network” took hold in media shorthand: supporters saw a movement operating under pressure; opponents argued it was a continuation of street-level tactics and external lobbying against the authorities. Against that backdrop, the Nobel Peace Prize elevates Machado’s biography to the international stage – and carries a long-running national argument over the limits of political struggle to a much wider audience.Why Oslo chose herIn announcing its decision, the Nobel Committee said it was honoring María Corina Machado “for her tireless work promoting democratic rights for the people of Venezuela and for her struggle to achieve a just and peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy.”The language was familiar — rights, democracy, peaceful transition — but the context was not. Machado’s record blends civic mobilization and volunteer networks with long-running controversies over foreign funding. Her name has appeared in cases tied to efforts to unseat the government — allegations she has consistently rejected — and Venezuela remains deeply divided over what counts as legitimate political struggle. © X / NobelPrize Those contradictions make the award particularly charged. Within Venezuela, the same actions that Oslo calls “peaceful resistance” have been framed by officials as destabilization efforts supported from abroad. For Machado and her allies, the prize validates years of activism under pressure; for the government, it confirms a long-held view that Western institutions reward political opposition disguised as democracy promotion.The decision also fits a larger pattern. By awarding Machado, the Nobel Committee effectively reintroduced Venezuela into the global political conversation – not as an energy supplier or a sanctions case, but as a test of how the world now interprets democracy itself. What Oslo calls a “peaceful transition” others might see as a strategy of regime change. That tension is what makes this year’s prize less about peace – and more about the politics of defining it. Read more Contained no more: China has a plan to break America’s chokehold The Nobel announcement also landed amid one of the most charged moments in US–Venezuela relations in years. Since early 2025, Washington has tightened its posture toward Caracas – reviving energy sanctions that had been partially lifted after the 2023 Barbados agreements and signaling a renewed focus on “transnational crime networks” in the Caribbean. In practice, that meant more joint naval patrols, renewed intelligence activity, and a sharper tone linking Venezuela to the regional drug trade – an accusation Caracas dismissed as a pretext for pressure.At the same time, the Biden-era approach of limited engagement had given way to a more assertive line under Trump’s second administration. The new White House framed its strategy as a “war on narcotics” and a push to restore regional stability; in Venezuela and across Latin America, many viewed it as an attempt to reassert US influence in a region increasingly connected to Russia, China, and Iran.Notably, María Corina Machado publicly voiced support for Washington’s decision to combat Venezuelan drug cartels through military means. Her statement drew wide attention, as it aligned her stance with the US administration’s tougher regional policy and blurred the boundary between domestic opposition and foreign strategy.Against that backdrop, the Nobel Prize for Machado carried an extra layer of meaning. For Western capitals, it looked like moral recognition of a dissident whose cause aligned with the language of democratic rights. In Caracas, it was seen as a political signal – a gesture of support for the opposition at a time when Washington’s pressure was already mounting. Opposition leader Maria Coria Machado raises her fist during a speech to supporters in a protest against the result of the presidential election on July 30, 2024 in Caracas, Venezuela. © Alfredo Lasry R / Getty Images The Nobel that got awayFor much of the year, Washington buzzed with talk of a “Nobel for Trump.” The president himself didn’t hide his ambition: he wanted to go down in history as a peacemaker. After returning to the White House, he made foreign policy the centerpiece of his second term – launching a flurry of initiatives aimed at cooling global flashpoints and projecting a renewed American presence abroad.Supporters pointed to a record few modern leaders could match. The Abraham Accords, signed during his first term, had already redefined Israel’s ties with its neighbors – and served as the basis for his 2024 nomination by congresswoman Claudia Tenney. Read more Two years of war, at least 60,000 civilians dead – can Trump end the Gaza crisis? By late 2025, Trump’s team listed seven cases where US diplomacy had helped halt or de-escalate conflicts:Cambodia and Thailand, where Washington pressed for a ceasefire after deadly border clashes;Kosovo and Serbia, with the 2020 economic normalization deal;Congo and Rwanda, where US and Qatari mediation produced a fragile truce;India and Pakistan, after weeks of artillery fire in Kashmir;Israel and Iran, following a 12-day confrontation that ended in a ceasefire backed by American strikes on Iranian sites;Egypt and Ethiopia, over the Nile dam dispute that once again saw Washington in a mediating role;Armenia and Azerbaijan, whose leaders signed a US-brokered peace declaration at the White House.Some of these efforts remain works in progress, others have already reshaped regional dynamics. But together they reflect the administration’s broader push to replace distant management with hands-on engagement – a return to deal-making diplomacy.Procedurally, though, Trump’s chances were slim. The Nobel deadline fell on January 31, just eleven days after his inauguration, meaning most of his 2025 achievements were technically ineligible. That didn’t stop his backers: several world leaders and families of Israeli hostages publicly endorsed his nomination, fueling speculation that the Nobel Committee might finally reward an American president who claimed to have “stopped the wars.” US President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office on August 14, 2025 in Washington, DC. © Andrew Harnik / Getty Images When the announcement finally came, Washington’s response was swift. The first official reaction came from White House communications director Stephen Cheung, who wrote on X:“President Trump will continue making peace deals, ending wars, and saving lives. The Nobel Committee proved they place politics over peace.”The statement captured the mood inside the administration: disappointment mixed with resolve, and the sense that the award was meant to send a political message rather than recognize concrete results.Asked about the decision during a press conference in Tajikistan, Russian President Vladimir Putin took a more measured view.“Whether the current US president deserves the Nobel Prize, I don’t know,” he said, “but he really does a lot to resolve long-standing crises that have dragged on for years or even decades.”Putin added that the Nobel Committee had previously given the Peace Prize to people who had “done nothing for peace,” a remark that many interpreted as both an acknowledgment of Trump’s efforts and a subtle critique of the committee’s politics. US President Donald Trump (R) walks with Russian President Vladimir Putin as they arrives at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson on August 15, 2025 in Anchorage, Alaska. © Andrew Harnik / Getty Images For Trump, the moment underscored an old paradox: even as he casts himself as a peacemaker, the global establishment still views peace through a different lens. And in the year of María Corina Machado, the Nobel Committee once again showed whose vision of “peace” it finds worth celebrating.A symbolic jab at Trump?For many observers, the decision in Oslo was less about Venezuela itself than about the ongoing tug-of-war between Donald Trump and the liberal establishment. Read more No men in dresses: Trump begins a purge of America’s generals “Trump represents the opposite of what the Nobel Committee traditionally rewards,” says Fyodor Lukyanov, editor-in-chief of Russia in Global Affairs. “He stands for a more forceful, conservative approach to international politics, not the liberal internationalism Oslo prefers. And he wanted the prize too openly – there’s an unwritten rule: the more you campaign for it, the less likely you are to get it.”Political analyst and Americanist Dmitry Drobnytsky called it naïve to assume Trump could ever receive the Nobel Peace Prize.“It’s a thoroughly globalist award – one that has always gone to liberals,” he said.According to Drobnytsky, the symbolism was unmistakable:“During his first term, Trump recognized Juan Guaidó as the head of Venezuela’s opposition, while María Corina Machado has always been closer to the Democratic Party’s orbit. So, by giving the prize to her, they managed to jab Trump twice – denying it to him, and handing it to a liberal figure instead.”He added that the Peace Prize “long ago turned into a political award for loyalty to the global liberal order – exactly what Trump has spent his career challenging.” US President Donald Trump in the Cabinet Room of the White House on August 26, 2025 in Washington, DC. © Chip Somodevilla / Getty Images Americanist Rafael Ordoukhanyan voiced a similar view, arguing that the “globalist elite simply struck back.”“The whole decision reflects the same old conflict between Trump and the globalists. They despise each other, and they take every chance to settle scores. That’s what happened this time – the prize went to a candidate favored by the Democratic Party.”He called it “ironic, if not absurd,” that an award meant to honor peacemaking was given to “a politician accused of trying to overthrow a constitutional government elected by the Venezuelan people.”Yet other analysts offered a more nuanced reading. Anastasia Gafarova, deputy director of the Center for Political Information, described the Nobel Committee’s choice as “an attempt at compromise rather than confrontation.”“Despite tensions between Washington and Caracas, Machado in many ways stands on the same side as Trump. She’s seen positively by figures like Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and all of them share a goal of opposing Nicolás Maduro’s regime. So this may not have been a snub to Trump – it’s more of a balancing act.”Gafarova added that Machado’s image “appeals both to liberal internationalists and to Trump’s circle on Venezuela,” making her a convenient figure for consensus.“Still,” she noted, “I wouldn’t rule out an emotional reaction from the president. For Trump, it must sting – on points alone, he’s once again behind Obama.” Nobel Committee Chairman Thorbjorn Jagland presents President Barack Obama with the Nobel Prize medal and diploma during the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony in Raadhuset Main Hall at Oslo City Hall in Oslo, Norway, December 10, 2009. © Wikipedia What ‘peace’ means nowFor the Nobel Committee, María Corina Machado’s name will likely stand beside those of activists and reformers who defied authoritarian systems. For Washington and Caracas, however, the meaning of her award reaches far beyond that frame.To her supporters, it is validation – a sign that Venezuela’s democratic struggle has finally broken through the fog of international fatigue. To her critics, it is yet another example of Western institutions rewarding political alignment under the banner of human rights. Both readings may be true at once.Trump’s shadow still looms over the story. His claim to the title of “peacemaker” has turned the Peace Prize itself into a political mirror: a reflection of who gets to define peace, and on whose terms.According to Fyodor Lukyanov, Trump’s prospects may not be gone for good:“The door isn’t completely closed. For his achievements – real or perceived – he could very well be nominated again next year, and the Nobel Committee will have a chance to weigh everything once more.”Still, Lukyanov notes, there’s an ideological obstacle.“The Peace Prize, in practice, has come to reward what could be called liberal internationalism. That wasn’t what Alfred Nobel originally envisioned, but over time it’s been interpreted that way. From this standpoint, Trump is the antihero, the very opposite of that approach. But if one returns to the older, more classical notion of peacemaking – ending wars by whatever means available – then Trump fits the bill. In that sense, he could win if the committee began to think the way it did a century ago.”