Seventy-five is the flavour of the season. After RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat turned 75 last week, it is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s turn to reach this milestone on Wednesday. And the PM at 75 presents an occasion to look at the strength of our democracy as well as the challenges it faces today.That somebody from humble beginnings, the son of a tea-seller, could rise to the pinnacle of power bespeaks the strength of our democracy. For all the fault lines in our democracy, every time this happens, it is a strong message about its resilience. One of Lalu Yadav’s associates once told me that during the RJD leader’s visit to Pakistan, ordinary people would ask him how a “gwala”, a cowherd, had become the Bihar Chief Minister.AdvertisementModi represents the devolution of power to communities that have been historically on the margins, such as the Other Backward Castes (OBCs). H D Deve Gowda was also an OBC PM, but he was in the saddle for only a few months in 1996-97. Modi is from the Modh-Ghanchi community in Gujarat, who are considered to be backward among even the backwards and while numerically large, had been nationally leaderless.Modi’s elevation as PM has contributed to the OBC-isation of politics. Gone are the days when the BJP was known only as a Bania-Brahmin party. It has not left other groups untouched, with Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi centering the Congress’s politics on the “OBC-plus” factor. His vigorous espousal of the caste census is an indication of his thinking, very different from that of his grandmother Indira Gandhi who put the Mandal Commission report recommending affirmative action for OBCs on the back burner in 1980. Or even his father Rajiv who opposed it stridently in 1990.Even the RSS’s thinking on caste and social justice has changed over the decades, from the days of the conservative sarsanghchalak M S Golwalkar to the “mainstream-ist” Balasaheb Deoras, when the change began, and now to the moderate Mohan Bhagwat. Unlike in 2015, when he had called for its review, the current Sangh chief stoutly defended the continuation of reservation only recently.AdvertisementModi has displayed a rare mastery over sensing the pulse of the people, which is one reason why he is in his third term in office. Before others got into the game, even as Gujarat CM, he was into using social media, the latest communication and PR techniques available in world capitals, and understanding the importance of optics in amplifying the message.Apart from understanding popular sentiments and communicating the message, the PM has been known for a single-minded pursuit of his goals. Minutes after his victory in the 2012 Gujarat Assembly polls, he headed straight to the home of his rival Keshubhai Patel instead of celebrating at the party office. He knew that Keshubhai’s support would be key to a larger footprint.Modi has also displayed a penchant for going for the “bhavya”, the grand, though the big strokes were often not accompanied by the requisite detailing that the policy initiatives called for, such as in the case of demonetisation or the Goods and Services Tax.The tasks before the country and the PM can be summed up in two words: safeguarding and celebrating “diversity” and “dissent” — in their most expansive sense.Early last year, it used to be said by those who should know that Modi would be “more inclusive” in his third term because he would like to “leave a legacy”.The recent events in Nepal, where Gen Z street protests in Kathmandu sent the government packing within hours — and earlier in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh — show, through contrast, how India’s diversity, robust political contestations, stabilty of the governments at the Centre and state, and a growing economy ensure that pressure valves function when it comes to expressing resentment.But this should not be taken for granted. The country can no longer afford to have dissatisfied minorities — not just religious but any group that is vulnerable in both numbers and power. This is more relevant today than in the past. Bhagwat reached out to the minorities recently, saying they were culturally “one of us”, and repeatedly emphasised they were free to follow their religion.Like the Sangh, the BJP too may have to shift gear and avoid the politics of polarisation even if it is tempting electorally in the short run. From the BJP’s perspective, the “Hindu-isation of Hindus” has taken place and there may be diminishing returns in playing this card again and again. Now, many expect the PM to focus on governance and bring a new energy and freshness to his ministerial team as well as the party organisation, starting with the appointment of a new party president.The importance of dissent in a plural, diverse country such as ours is not just about the freedom to criticise the government and hold it accountable, important though that is. It is also about building healthy and vigorous institutions that keep a check on the excessive use of power, that ensure the PM’s feedback loops are clear, that he can even hear what he may not wish to. That will be possible only if institutions, be it the media, judiciary, Parliament, or civil society, do not feel the pressure they are now under.most readDissent is also important for another reason. To be able to disagree is a prerequisite for the generation of new ideas, so essential in educational institutions and to generate new research. In the age of disruptive AI, the country needs to catch up on R&D for it to be a player in the new global world order and become “atmanirbhar (self-reliant)” — which the PM spoke about this Independence Day — where it really matters.So all eyes are now on how the PM, at 75, shapes his legacy and the future of 78-year-old young India. Happy Birthday.(Neerja Chowdhury, Contributing Editor, The Indian Express, has covered the last 11 Lok Sabha elections. She is the author of How Prime Ministers Decide.)