《纽约时报》2025年12月15日 Lam Yik Fei for The New York TimesIn the first part of his life, Jimmy Lai rose from refugee from mainland China and child laborer to owner of a casual apparel empire, becoming a millionaire.在人生的第一阶段，黎智英从一名来自中国内地的难民、童工一步步成为休闲服饰帝国的掌舵人，跻身百万富翁之列。In the second, he made a move few tycoons would, throwing his wealth and influence into backing mass pro-democracy protests and creating a popular newspaper in Hong Kong that regularly challenged China’s ruling Communist Party.在第二阶段，他做出了鲜有富豪会采取的行动，将自己的财富和影响力投入到支持大规模民主抗议活动中，并在香港创办了一份广受欢迎的报纸，该报经常挑战执政的中国共产党。He has always attributed his rags-to-riches ascent to the freedoms of Hong Kong. And he has paid a hefty price for his refusal to back away from defending those rights.他一直将自己白手起家的经历归功于香港的自由。他拒绝在捍卫这些权利的问题上退让，也为此付出了沉重代价。On Monday, judges in Hong Kong convicted him of two counts of conspiracy to collude with foreign forces and one count of conspiracy to publish seditious material. He had pleaded not guilty to all three counts in his landmark national security trial.周一，香港法院裁定他犯有两项“串谋勾结外国势力罪”和一项“串谋发布煽动刊物罪”。在这场里程碑式国家安全案件的审理中，他此前对这三项指控均不认罪。Here’s a look at how he advocated for democracy and challenged leaders over the years, and why he became a longtime enemy of the Communist Party.以下是多年来他如何倡导民主并挑战当权者，以及为何成为中共长期敌人的历程。1940s-1980s1940到80年代Jimmy Lai was born on Dec. 8, 1948 in Guangdong, China, to a wealthy business family shortly before the Communist Party assumed power in the country.黎智英1948年12月8日出生在中国广东一个富裕的商人家庭，不久共产党掌握了国家政权。黎智英，大约摄于1960年。 Mark CliffordHis father attempted suicide after the family home and business were seized, and later left his family for Hong Kong. Labeled a class enemy, his mother was sent to labor camps. Mr. Lai worked as a child porter at a railway station during years of famine. A taste of chocolate from a Hong Kong passenger inspired him to move there — still a British colony — as a stowaway on a boat in 1961. He worked his way up in the city’s garment factories, starting a knitwear manufacturing business in 1975 and then the casual clothing chain, Giordano, in 1981.在家宅和生意被没收后，他的父亲曾试图自杀，但后来离开家人独自前往香港。被贴上“阶级敌人”的标签后，他的母亲被送去劳改。在大饥荒年代，黎智英曾在火车站当童工做搬运。在第一次尝到一位香港乘客给的巧克力后，他产生了前往当时仍是英国殖民地的香港的念头。1961年，他坐船偷渡来到香港。他在这座城市的制衣工厂一步步打拼，1975年开始了自己的针织品制造生意，1981年又创立了休闲服装连锁品牌佐丹奴。1993年，黎智英在香港的一个自家店面。19891989Like many in Hong Kong, Mr. Lai was galvanized by students who occupied Tiananmen Square in Beijing to call for a greater say in government. Giordano printed T-shirts calling for China’s then-leader, Deng Xiaoping, to step down. (The slogan subverted a slogan — “Hello, Xiaoping” — that portrayed Mr. Deng as a man of the people.)和许多香港人一样，黎智英深受北京天安门广场学生运动的触动。学生们占领天安门广场，呼吁在政府事务中拥有更大的发言权。佐丹奴曾印制要求当时的中国领导人邓小平下台的T恤。（这一口号是对把邓小平塑造成人民领袖的宣传口号“你好，小平”的颠覆。）隐晦呼吁邓小平下台的佐丹奴T恤。The crackdown on the protesters inspired Mr. Lai to launch a political and entertainment weekly, Next Magazine, the following year.对示威者的镇压促使黎智英在第二年创办了一本兼具政治与娱乐内容的刊物——《壹周刊》。19941994Mr. Lai published an open letter in Next Magazine insulting China’s then-premier Li Peng, who was seen as a force behind the Tiananmen crackdown, and telling him to “drop dead.” The authorities closed down the Giordano store in Beijing and Mr. Lai later resigned and sold his stake in the business to focus on media ventures.黎智英在《壹周刊》上发表公开信，大骂当时的中国总理李鹏——外界普遍认为他是天安门镇压的幕后推手之一——并对他说“去死吧”。当局随即关闭了佐丹奴在北京的门店，黎智英后来辞职并出售了在该公司的股份，转而专注于媒体事业。19951995Mr. Lai founded Apple Daily, a Chinese-language newspaper in Hong Kong. Covering news, entertainment and politics, the full-color, often-sensationalist tabloid grew to become one of the highest-circulation papers in the city. Its slogan — “an apple a day keeps the liars away”— was also printed on souvenirs like watches.黎智英在香港创办了中文报纸《苹果日报》。这份报道新闻、娱乐和政治的全彩小报常带有耸人听闻的风格，逐渐成为该市发行量最高的报纸之一。其口号——“每日一苹果，冇人呃到我”还被印在手表等纪念品上。1995年6月20日，《苹果日报》创刊号。 Courtesy of the Hong Kong Studies Database at Academia Sinica in TaipeiHis decision was seen as bold, even provocative, at a time when thousands were emigrating from the city, two years ahead of its handover by the British to China. Other tycoons were careful not to fall afoul of China’s ruling Communist Party. Many speculated about whether Mr. Lai would be arrested. Still, he portrayed himself as a firebrand.在距离英国将香港主权移交中国还有两年、成千上万的人正移民离开这座城市之际，他的这一决定被视为大胆甚至是挑衅的举动。其他商界大亨都小心翼翼，生怕得罪执政的共产党。许多人猜测黎智英是否会被捕。尽管如此，他仍将自己塑造成一个激进敢言的人物。报纸的口号“每日一苹果，冇人呃到我”也被印在了纪念手表上。To promote the first issue on June 25, 1995, Mr. Lai appeared in a television advertisement where he sits calmly with an apple on his head while shadowy figures shoot arrows at him. At the end, he takes the apple and bites into it.为了宣传1995年6月25日出版的创刊号，黎智英出现在一则电视广告中：他神情镇定地坐着，头顶一只苹果，周围射来冷箭。广告结尾，他取下苹果，咬了一口。“I love the intensity of trouble,” he said in a BBC interview that year. “I think that’s great fun.”“我喜欢麻烦带来的紧张刺激感，”他在当年接受BBC采访时说。“我觉得这非常有意思。”“I believe in the media, by delivering information, you’re actually delivering freedom,” Mr. Lai said in an interview in 2020 with The New York Times.“我相信通过传递信息，媒体实际上在传播自由，”黎智英在2020年接受《纽约时报》采访时说。A television ad pegged to the founding of Apple Daily, shows Jimmy Lai being shot by multiple arrows.一条为《苹果日报》创刊而制作的电视广告中，黎智英被多支箭射中。1996-20131996-2013In its early years, the newspaper sometimes sided with China on patriotic topics, such as territorial conflicts with Japan over the islands known in China as Diaoyu and in Japan as Senkaku. On the 1997 handover, it struck an optimistic note with the headline “A great new era begins: Hong Kong believes there will be a tomorrow.”在创刊初期，这份报纸有时会在爱国议题上与中国立场一致，例如在中国称为钓鱼岛、日本称为尖阁诸岛的岛屿主权争端中支持中方立场。1997年香港回归时，它也以乐观的口吻报道，头版标题写道：“一个大时代的开始：香港信有明天。”1997年7月1日的《苹果日报》。 Courtesy of the Hong Kong Studies Database at Academia Sinica in TaipeiBut it and its sister publication were better known for their role in encouraging readers to take to the streets in political protests. The paper would publish colorful cutout posters within its pages in the lead-up to planned demonstrations.但这份报纸及其姊妹刊物更广为人知的是它们在鼓励读者走上街头进行政治抗议方面所扮演的角色。在计划举行示威之前，报纸常常在内页中刊登色彩鲜艳、可剪下使用的海报。In 2003, Next Magazine published a cover illustration portraying Tung Chee-hwa, Hong Kong’s first post-colonial leader, being hit in the face by a cream pie. That came after he tried to pass an unpopular security law.2003年，在香港首位后殖民时代的领导人董建华试图推动一项引发广泛不满的安全法之后，《壹周刊》在封面刊登了一幅漫画，画中董建华被奶油派砸中脸部。2003年7月1日的一场示威中，一名抗议者举着《壹周刊》封面海报，画面是一只奶油派砸在时任香港特首董建华的脸上。Mr. Lai spent vast sums of his own money to publish political advertisements in Apple Daily and other outlets in the lead-up to a major demonstration that was attended by half a million people.Mr. Tung eventually resigned.在一次吸引了约50万人参加的大型示威活动前夕，黎智英自掏腰包，在《苹果日报》和其他媒体上投放了大量政治广告。最终，董建华辞职下台。Later, in 2012 and 2013, as the opposition increasingly pushed for democratic reform in Hong Kong, posters portrayed another top leader, Leung Chun-ying, as Pinocchio and included slogans such as “I am a Hong Konger, I want real elections.”后来，在2012年和2013年，随着反对派日益推动香港的民主改革，海报将另一位最高领导人梁振英描绘成匹诺曹，并配上“我是香港人，我要真普选”等口号。20142014Apple Daily gave blanket and sympathetic coverage to a movement that became known as the Umbrella Revolution, where protesters occupied the roads of Hong Kong’s central business district for 79 days in the hopes of pressuring the government to allow freer elections. Mr. Lai was a regular presence at the protests. He was among those who were tear-gassed and was briefly detained by police.《苹果日报》对后来被称为“雨伞革命”的运动进行了全面且充满同情的报道。在那次运动中，抗议者占领了香港中环商业区的街道长达79天，希望以此向政府施压，争取自由度更大的选举。黎智英经常出现在抗议现场。他也曾遭遇警方施放催泪瓦斯，并被短暂拘留。2014年11月，黎智英（左）在香港政府总部外的一处“占领”区域。Mr. Lai became the target of attacks as he and Apple Daily became more closely associated with the protest movement. Oriental Daily, a pro-Beijing tabloid, published a fake obituary in August 2014, claiming that Mr. Lai had died and that there would be no funeral. Two months earlier, the website of Apple Daily was bombarded by cyberattacks that forced it to shut down for several hours.随着黎智英本人及《苹果日报》与抗议运动的联系日益紧密，他开始成为攻击目标。亲北京的小报《东方日报》在2014年8月刊登了一条虚假讣告，宣称黎智英已经去世，且不会举行葬礼。两个月前，《苹果日报》的网站曾遭到大规模网络攻击，被迫停运数小时。In October, dozens of protesters barricaded the headquarters of Apple Daily and tried to physically prevent the paper from leaving the printing press for several nights in a row. Employees used cranes to lift the newspapers into delivery trucks. A headline on the incident read: “Fearless and undaunted: Apple Daily continues to publish.”10月，数十名抗议者封堵《苹果日报》总部，并连续数晚试图以肢体阻拦的方式阻止报纸从印刷厂运出。员工用起重机将报纸吊装到配送卡车上。关于此事件的一个标题写道：“无畏无惧：《苹果日报》继续出版。”2014年10月，抗议者封堵《苹果日报》总部，迫使员工动用起重机将印好的报纸吊装到配送卡车上。In November, a few men dumped bags of animal organs on Mr. Lai while he was at the protest site.11月，黎智英出现在抗议现场时，几名男子将几袋动物内脏倾倒在他身上。20192019Apple Daily gave blanket coverage to a new wave of antigovernment protests that began as peaceful demonstrations against an extradition law, and evolved into months of violent standoffs between police and protesters, leaving streets filled with tear gas, Molotov cocktails and broken glass. Apple Daily sided firmly with the protesters, using headlines such as “the tyrannical government has fired at us” to denounce the heavy use of tear gas.《苹果日报》对新一轮的反政府抗议活动进行了铺天盖地的报道。这场抗议最初是反对一项引渡条例的和平示威，后来演变成了警察与抗议者之间持续数月的暴力对峙，街头弥漫着催泪瓦斯，遍地是燃烧瓶和碎玻璃。《苹果日报》坚定站在示威者一边，使用诸如“暴政向我们开枪”等标题，谴责警方大量使用催泪瓦斯。2019年6月12日，一名抗议者手持《苹果日报》制作的黄伞。Mr. Lai also traveled to the United States to meet with politicians, such as then-vice president Mike Pence, to discuss protests in Hong Kong. These meetings, photos of which were published in Apply Daily, would be used against him in his trial.黎智英还曾前往美国，与时任副总统迈克·彭斯等政界人士会面，讨论香港的抗议活动。这些会面的照片后来刊登在《苹果日报》上，并在审判中用作指控他的证据。20202020Beijing imposed a national security law criminalizing most forms of dissent and Mr. Lai was one of its first targets.北京实施了《国家安全法》，将大多数形式的异议定为犯罪，黎智英成为最早被针对的对象之一。In August, Apple Daily was raided by hundreds of police officers and he was arrested, then released on bail.8月，《苹果日报》遭数百名警察突击搜查，黎智英被捕，随后获准保释。For the next few months, he gave numerous interviews and hosted several online chats with prominent officials. He was rearrested in December.接下来的几个月里，他接受了大量采访，并主持了多场与有影响力官员的线上对谈。12月，他再次被捕。黎智英在家中，摄于2020年8月。Playing cards were distributed anonymously in mailboxes in residential areas depicting Hong Kong’s “most wanted” pro-democracy figures in an apparent attempt at intimidation. Mr. Lai was depicted as the joker.有人匿名向住宅区的信箱投放国安通缉扑克牌，上面印着香港的民主派人物，这明显带有恐吓意味。黎智英在扑克牌中是小丑。印有民主派人物照片的扑克牌被匿名散发。2021-20252021-2025The police froze the accounts of Apple Daily and arrested six editors and executives during a second raid of the newspaper.在对报社的第二次搜查中，警方冻结了《苹果日报》的账户，并逮捕了六名编辑和高管。The newspaper announced it would close a few days later after rushing out a final issue that was snapped up by readers across the city. Some supporters lined up outside the newsroom, holding up their mobile phone flashlights as the papers left the press for the final time.报社随后宣布将在几天后停刊，并仓促印刷了最后一期报纸，被全城读者抢购一空。一些支持者在编辑部外排队，打开手机里的手电筒，目送报纸最后一次送出印刷厂。2021年6月24日凌晨，正在印刷的最后一期《苹果日报》。In December 2021, Mr. Lai was convicted and sentenced to 13 months in prison for participating in a June 4, 2020, vigil for Tiananmen victims that the government had banned. He had already been sentenced in other cases related to the 2019 pro-democracy protests.2021年12月，黎智英因2020年6月4日参与一场被政府禁止的天安门事件悼念活动，被判有罪并处13个月监禁。他此前已因与2019年民主抗议活动相关案件获刑。In 2022, Mr. Lai was given a five-year sentence after being convicted of violating the terms of a lease agreement related to his newspaper.2022年，黎智英被裁定违反与其报纸相关的租约条款，被判处五年徒刑。2023年7月，黎智英在狱中。His national security trial began in December 2023, after lengthy procedural delays, including over his legal representation. Mr. Lai had sought to be represented by Timothy Owen, a senior British lawyer, but the authorities barred him from the case.他的国安案件审判于2023年12月开始，此前因多项程序问题而拖延多时，其中包括围绕其法律代理人的争议。黎智英曾希望由英国资深大律师蒂莫西·欧文为其辩护，但当局禁止欧文参与此案。Mr. Lai, who turned 78 last week, is now thin and frail. A diabetic, his health has been deteriorating from being held in solitary confinement, his family has said.上周刚满78岁的黎智英如今身形消瘦、身体虚弱。他的家人表示，他患有糖尿病，健康状况因长期被单独关押不断恶化。翻译：纽约时报中文网点击查看本文英文版。